The Comparative Analysis of the Functioning of Interjections in the English and Spanish Languages

In our corpus we have traced a whole variety of interjections, expressing positive emotions such as surprise, delight, satisfaction and pleasure. On the whole, the interjections that perform the emotive function and denote positive emotions constitute almost 40% of all the studied material.

While in AE sample the interjections denoting positive emotions are mostly the derived interjection � Oh my God� (the most frequently used) and the primary interjections � Oh� and �Wow� , in the Sp sample the most frequently used interjections are the derived interjections � Vaya� and � Dios m�o�.

v excitement, delight

- I love Beatles!

- Oh my God! So do I!

v delight, surprise

� Guess what?Franky and Ellis got married!

� Oh, Oh, my God

� And they wanna have a baby!

� Oh, yeah, wow ,Ohoho!

v amazement, admiration

� This is the place.

� - Oh, wow, Vera Wang!-Oh, Robin, do you have any idea what you, guys, stayed in front of here?

� surprise, satisfaction

� Mmmm �Dios m�o! �Estos crapitos est�n deliciosos!

� Yo he aprendido cocinar ...

� �Vaya!

� excitement

� �Oh, Dios m�o, vamos a casarnos!

� joy, delight

- Hey, hey, �Qui�n era esa?

- Es Casey, nos hemos quedado por esta noche.

- �Vaya,vaya!

� admiration

� �Vaya! �Ha sido una �Wow�!

Negative emotions

In this part of our analysis we have studied a whole range of interjections expressing negative emotions such as disappointment, irritation, disgust and pain.

All in all this class of interjections constitutes about 60% of all the analyzed interjections performing the emotive function. Thus we may conclude that negative emotions are more frequently rendered by interjections than positive emotions.

Disgust and pain: It is interesting to mention that most of the interjections expressing these negative emotions are primary interjections.

� disgust

-Are you really thinking of having sex with your brother?

- Eugh! Eugh, of course not!!!

-Atchu! Givemefive!

- Eugh,no!

- Un momento. Yo lo v� en Discovery Chanel sobre las medusas y como si.... �Agh! ��Temeasteencima?!

�Agh! �Agh!

- �Es morboso!

- �Qu� es morboso?

- Que voy a salir con el hijo de Richard...

- �Agh! �Agh!� Es horrible!

� Pain

- Ow! Ow, ow, ah! It hurts, it hurts!

- Ouch! Ouchi in my mouth.

- �Ay!� Ay! � Me duele! �Me duele! �Oy,maldita medusa!

- �Oy! ��Acabas de morderme?!

Irritation, anger: these emotions are mostly expressed by the so-called rude words and some other interjections, both primary and derived.

� ( dropping a bottle of expensive whiskey)- Damn it, Ted!

� Argh, you are awful!

� Damn it, Barney! Shut up!

� Fuck! It's unfair! Hate it!

� Oh God! You are so selfish!

� �Mierda! Soy sola de nuevo y �eso es una mierda!

� �Mierda, Barney, c�llate!

� �Madre m�a, me voy, eres una persona horrible!

Shock: It may be called one of the (or even the only) emotions that are always expressed with the help of interjections. The most frequently used interjection here is �Oh my God� and its Spanish equivalent �Dios m�o�.

� What's tomorrow night?

-Oh God, you didn't hear? Mark died.

- Oh, Oh my God! Oh my God, we are so sorry!

� (finding a picture)- Oh my God! Did you know about it?

� Oh God, what's happened in here?!

� Oh God, you dunno?

- What?

- Yesterday when she was leaving the office she was ran over by a taxi cab�

- Oh my God, oh, oh God�..

� Cuando sali� del despacho la atropell� un taxi.

- Madre m�a.... Vaya..... eso es incre�ble, Dios m�o, Dios m�o....

� � Dios m�o! �Qu� ha pasado aqu�?

� �Por amor de Dios! No lo creo...

We also come across the use of �No� in the function of interjection expressing shock or a blend of shock and disappointment. Here are the examples:

1) Ross got married again? Nooooo!!!

2) Oh, no, no, no, he shouldn't get back together with her�

3) ( answering machine) - Your message has been erased.-Noooo!

If we compare the ways emotions are rendered in these two samples we may see some direct correlations between interjections denoting this or that emotion.

For example, English �Oh my God� and � Oh God� expressing shock and surprise can be interpreted with a whole group of interjections similar in the emotion they render : � Dios m�o�, �Madre de Dios�, �Madre m�a�, �Por amor de Dios�.

While the Englishman may repeat Oh my God several times in the same context, the Spaniard may use numerous synonymic interjections in the same context.

� Oh my God! Kitty, no, tshu,tshu, no! Oh my God!

- What?

- Nothing� I just have a strong feeling that this cat is my mother.

� �Dios m�o! �Fuera, gatita, fuera! �Madre de Dios!

- �Qu�?

- Nada� es que tengo la extra�a sensaci�n que esta gata es el esp�ritu de mi madre.

� Oh my God.... what's happened?

� Por el amor de Dios� Qu� ha pasado?

The parallels can also be found between the English interjection Wow! expressing delight and excitement and the Spanish interjection Vaya! expressing the same emotion.

� Oh, wow, and you can become a lesbian, too!

� Vaya! Y oye, podr�as ser lesbiana!

� Wow, my breast is so strong!

� Vaya! Tengo los pechos muy fuertes!

Discursive function

As it was mentioned before in Chapter I, alongside the emotive function interjections perform discursive function in speech. They can serve as element that introduces the speech, attracts attention of the listener and often precedes a new idea that occurred to a person, to provide a feedback to the main idea of the conversation, they can function as backchannels thus performing the role of discourse markers. As it was mentioned above the interjections serving as discourse markers constitute 30% of the interjections found in the AE sample and 25% of those from the Sp sample.

The table below provides a list of interjections found in both samples organized according to the discursive function they serve:

function	A.E.	Sp.
Interactional	hey, man, dude, well, come on, so	ah, ay, oh, oye, venga, t�o, ey, bueno, vamos, vaya
Textual	ah, oh, yeah, well, okay	okey, vale,pues

Interactional function

A great number of interjections perform the interactional function. Such interjections are used to introduce a remark or to back-channel. The most frequently used interjections serving this function are �So�, �Well�, �Dude� and �Man�. For example:

AE:

1)So, it's time to say good-bye, I suppose.

2)So, I found her shampoo in the bath.

3) Well, we gotta go now, really.

4) So, where is my bike?-Erm�

5) Dude! What's up? �. I said: What's up, man!

6)Man, what's up with Swarley?

As for the Sp sample, we found a wide range of interjections, both primary and derived, that perform exclusively the discursive function or those that perform the discursive as well as the emotive function. e.g.:

1) Bueno, empezamos!

2) Vaya, parece que sabes mucho de maridos�

3) Oh, cari�o, �lo has hecho para m�?

4) -Oye, me encanta tu sueter!

- Oh , �hablas en serio?

5) Oye, �por qu� no me digas d�nde est� mi cami�n?

6) Hey, t�os, fijados en mi ollo!

7) Ah, hola, Se�or Trigger. �Qu� est�s haciendo?

Textual function

Another type of discursive functions of the interjections is the textual function. As it was said in Chapter I interjections in the textual function are used for marking or creating cohesion relations. These are relatively more frequently used than those in interactional function in the AE sample, but are less common for the Sp sample where the interactional function prevails. Let us consider the examples:

AE:

1) Oh, wow, it was amazing!(about the massage) Was it an hour? -Yeah, a very long one.-What? - Oh, ok. I have an enormous crash on you but because you are a client I can't ask you out even though you give me�.you know�the feelings.

2) I wrote you a letter�- Ah, thank you, I like mail.

3) It's really a good idea!-Yeah.Wonderful.( sarcastically)

4) You are to go!-Ookeeey.

5) I am so angry with him!-Oh, yeah, me too!

6) Thank you so much.-Oh, you are welcome.

Sp:

1) Oye, me encanta tu sueter!

Oh , �hablas en serio?

2) Ah, y despues apareci� nueva chica de Ross.

3) Voy al coche.

Oh,tengo que echar mi maleta.

4) Claro que sabes d�nde trabajo.

Ah,�s�?

5) �Tienes que irte! - Vale.

* * *

The analysis demonstrates that the number of emotive interjections is almost three times larger than the number of those performing discursive function that is reflected in the A.E. sample as well as the Sp. sample. Thus, we may conclude that the emotive function is the predominant function of interjections, though there can be found interjections performing the function of a discourse marker.

The interjections have a potential to express a wide range of emotions, both positive and negative. Negative emotions are more often rendered with the help of interjections than positive. However while some emotions can be rendered by a relatively wide range of interjections (for example, surprise or delight), some emotions have a restricted range of interjections that express them (for example, disgust)

If we look at the discursive functions of the interjection here we may single out the interactional and textual functions. The analysis shows that in the AE sample the textual function prevails and the interjections performing this function are relatively more frequently used than those in interactional function, while the textual interjections are less common for the Sp sample where the interactional function prevails.



CHAPTER III. INTERPRETATION OF INTERJECTIONS

Interjections can acquire different meanings depending on the context, communicative intentions of the communicant, the suprasegmental features (intonation and paralinguistic features). All this applied to the field of translation produces difficulties. Rendering interjections is therefore not an easy task, especially speaking about audiovisual translation in which there are technical, professional and cultural limits that can influence the original meaning. One of the most frequent problems in translation of interjections is the idiomaticity that characterizes them, as they are specific in their use. Though there can be found phonologically identical forms in the analyzed two languages ??(eh , oh, etc. . ), their use can differ: the English interjection �Oh� both graphically and phonetically coincides with the Spanish �Oh�, but in Spanish discourse it cannot serve as a discourse marker as this interjection essentially expresses surprise or disappointment and serve only the emotive function. Instead of �Oh� in the Spanish discourse the interjection �Ah� is used as a discourse marker, for example:

3) Oh, you are here - Ah, est�s aqu�

4) Oh, hi Mrs Linch, Joana has already arrived? - Ah, hola se�ora Linch, �ya ha llegado Joana?

Thus, analyzing the two samples and comparing the use of interjections we pursue in this chapter the following tasks:

1) To compare the frequency of the use of interjections in both samples

2) To reveal the ways of rendering interjections

3) To analyze the reasons for the choice of given ways of rendering

Analyzing the material we noticed that in the translation of the sample from �How I Met Your Mother� into Spanish almost 35% of the interjections used in the original sample are lost. In the translation of the sample from �Friends� almost 31% of the interjections used in the original sample are lost. All in all 33% of all the interjections found in the AE sample disappear in the translation.



The interjections that usually disappear in the translation are mainly primary interjections that are either omitted or replaced by a word combination. For example:

AE: -Atchu! Give me five!

� Eugh, no!

Sp: Atchu! Ch�cola!

� No lo sue�es!

AE: Why don�t you tell Ted that you love him?

� Come on, it�s a big deal for me!

� Oh God, seems you�ve never told a guy that you love him!

Sp: Por qu� no puedes decir a Ted que le quieres?

� Vamos, es algo importante para m�!

� �Por qu�? Como si nunca lo hubieras dicho a un chico!

In the examples listed above we can see how interjections from the English original sample are substituted by an utterance in the translated sample.

It is important to mention that the utterances that substitute interjections in the translation carry approximately the same meaning as the original interjection and are accompanied by the same intonational pattern, thus the emotions expressed in the utterance are present.

Sometimes interjections are just omitted in the translated sample. For example:

AE: Oh, wow, it was amazing!(about the massage) Was it an hour? -Yeah, a very long one.-What? - Oh, ok. I have an enormous crash on you but because you are a client I can't ask you out even though you give me�.you know�the feelings.

Sp: Vaya,ha sido incredible! Solemos estado una hora? - S�, ee el mundo de las horas eternas.-�Qu�?- Est� bien, estoy totalmente colada por t� pero eres un cliente y no puedo pedirte salir conmigo aunque me extingas un mont�n.

AE: - Oh my God! Phoebe, you know we have rules here and it�s not a place where�.

� Oh, yeah, I know but it�s not how it looks like. Rick is my husband.

� Oh, really? Then you�d better call another wife of his as she�s called three times asking where he is!

� Ok, I�ll do.

Sp: - �Madre de mi vida! Phoebe sabes las reglas, no es el sitio de la clase�.

� S�, yo lo s� pero no es lo que parece en absoluto. Rick es mi marido.

� En realidad? Entonces, tienes que llamar a su otra mujer ya que ha llamado tres veces preguntando donde est� su marido.

� Vale, tendr� que llamarla.

We can also speak about the reverse tendency when in the translation we come across interjections that are not present in the original sample.

AE: - Ugh, I don't support it!

� Gay marriage?

� No! Not a gay marriage..... Marriage!...

Sp: - Ugh, �no lo apruebo!

� �El matrimonio gay?

� No, no el matrimonio gay pero ...�el matrimonio! Brrrr...

AE: -You know what?! It does or it doesn�t, that�s it!

SP: -Oye! �Sabes que?Te lo parece o no te lo parece, eso es!

AE: -You know where I work!

� I do?

Sp:-�Sabes d�ndetrabajo!

� Ah, �s�?

Thus we may see that the differences in the use of interjections in the original sample and the translated one can be traced in two directions: the interjections can be omitted or replaced by a utterance in the translation as well as a new interjection appears where there is no interjection in the original utterance.

Another point that we analyzed is the way interjections, that are not omitted or replaced by an utterance, are translated. Here we may see that there are three possibilities in rendering an interjection:

1) To translate it verbatim

2) To replace it by its equivalent in the other language with the same meaning

3) To leave it as it

As for the first strategy, we noticed that only a few of interjections are translated verbatim, among them the interjections �(Oh) my God!� and �Come on� that are rendered as �(Oh) Dios m�o!� and �Venga� that can be considered as a direct translation. About 25% of these interjections found in the samples are translated in this way. For example:

AE: - I like Beatles.

� Oh my God! So do I!

Sp: - A m� me gustan Beatles.

� ��h Dios m�o, a m� tambi�n!

AE: - Come on, Chandler, let's go!

Sp: - Venga, Chandler, v�monos!

AE: - Yesterday when she was leaving the office she was ran over by a taxi cab�

- Oh my God, oh, unbelievable �.oh God�..

Sp: - Ayer, cuando sali� del despacho la atropell� un taxi.

- Madre m�a....Vaya..... eso es incre�ble, Dios m�o, Dios m�o....

As for the interjection �My God� it is considered to be one of the few derived interjections (if not the only) that can be found almost in all languages. The table below demonstrates the equivalents to �My God� that can be found in different languages. (Wiktionary. http://en.wiktionary.org/wiki/oh_my_God#English)

Arabic: ����� (wa-ll�h(i)), �� ���� (y�?il�h�) Armenian: ????????? (Astv�cim) Belarusian: ������� (b�amoj) Catalan: D�u meu Chinese: Mandarin- �V? (ti�n a), �V? (zh) (ti�n na), ��I�V? (w? de ti�n a) Czech: � m�j bo�e Danish: �h min gud Dutch: oh, mijn God, lievehemel, goeiegenade Esperanto: Diomia Finnish: herranjestas (fi), Herran pieksut, Luojan t�hden, herranjumala French: mon Dieu (fr), nom de Dieu (fr), nom de nom Galician: meu Deus German: meinGott Greek: ������ (el) (The�mou) Hebrew: ??? ?????? (oyeloh�m) Hindi: ???????(he bhagv�n) Hungarian: � Istenem, te j� �g Italian: Dio mio, mio Dio, oh mio Dio, oddio Japanese: �얳�O�� (�Ȃނ���ڂ�, namusanb�), ����܂� (oyam�), ����܂� (arem�), �����_�l (� kamisama), ���[�܂����[ Jingpho: Oh! Wa, Karai Kasang! Latin: O deummeum Limburgish: noondezju! Lithuanian: o, Dieve!, Dieve mano! Malay: ya Tuhanku Maltese: Alla mieghi, Il-Alla Navajo: y�adil��oly� Norwegian: Herregud, herregud Persian: ��� ���� ��, �� ��� Polish: (o) m�j Bo�e Portuguese: meu Deus, nossa (pt) Russian: �������� (b�e moj), �������� (ru) (G�spodi), ������ (o b�e) Serbo-Croatian:Cyrillic- �������, �����������; Roman- o moj Bo�e, Gospode Bo�e Spanish: Dios m�o, oh, Dios m�o Swedish: herregud, �, herregud, herregud (sv), HerreGud Tagalog: ay, Diyosko Turkish: amantanr�m Ukrainian: ������� (o b�emij), ������ (b�emij), ����� (o b�e)

We also found that 35% of the interjections were rendered according to the second strategy, thus their structure was absolutely changed for the one delivering the same meaning in Spanish, using the form typical of this language.

AE: - Oh God, it hurts so much! Oh, oh, oh, damn this jellyfish!

Sp: - �Ay, ay me duele tanto,me duele, ay,maldita esta medusa!

AE: - (kissing) Oh my God!

Sp: -�Madre m�a!

AE: - I wrote you a letter.

� Oh, thank you, I like�.mail.

Sp: - Te he escrito una carta.

� Ah, gracias, a m� me gusta .... la correspondencia.

AE: - I saw it on Discovery channel about the jelly fish and how to� EUGH! UGH!

� You peed on yourself?! Eugheugheugh!!!

Sp: - Un momento. Yo lo v� en Discovery Chanel sobre las medusas y como si.... �Agh!

� ��Te measte encima?!�Agh! �Agh!

We also came across the use of a foreign interjection in the translated sample. The borrowings are �Ok�, a derived interjection that serves as a discourse marker, and �Wow�, a primary interjection expressing surprise. For example:

AE: Wow, I don't believe it! No!

Sp: Wow, no lo creo! No es verdad!

AE: - You don't need to buy a present.

� Wow! It's perfect! Thanks, Chandler!

Sp: - No necesitas comprar un regalo.

� Wow! Vaya! Eso es genial! Gracias, Chandler!

AE: Okay, I gotta go.

Sp: Okey, me voy.

The use of the latter can be explained by its growing popularity among the younger generation throughout the world. If we look it up in the dictionary we may see that nowadays it is used in many countries, some experts consider it to be the most spread and acknowledged word in the world. We provide a table that demonstrates variations of this interjection and the languages that borrowed it. (Wiktionary. http://en.wiktionary.org/wiki/OK#English)

Variation	Where used/Origins
okeh	An alternative English spelling, no longer common.
okej	Used in Poland, although �ok� is more common in written language; sometimes �oki� is said.
�k�	Used in Vietnam; okey also used, but ok more commonly.
okei	Usedin Norwegian, Icelandic, Finnish and Estonian (together with �OK� or �ok�)
okey	Used in Spanish and Turkish, sounding similar to the English pronunciation �OK�.
okej	Usedin Swedish, Bosnian, Slovene, Serbian,Polish, Croatian, Bulgarian, Macedonian and sometimes Latvian; �ok� also used, but less common.
ok�	Used in French, Dutch and Hungarian. In Dutch �okee�, �ok� and �okay� are also used, but are less common in the formal written language.
ookoo	Used in Finland. Pronounced the same way as �OK� but spelled like the pronunciation of the letters.
oukej	Used in Czech and Slovak. Pronounced as the English �OK�. When written �OK�, it is pronounced [o:ka:]. Neither version recognized as official.
O.K	Used in Greek. The abbreviation is pronounced as the English �OK�.
oukei	Used in colloquial Afrikaans. Pronounced also as �OK�.
����, �.�.	The Russian variant for the English one. Pronounced as the English �OK�.
�c�	Used seldom in colloquial Portuguese, although �OK� is widely employed both written and spoken, sounding similar to the English pronunciation.

Thus, the borrowing of this interjection in the sample does not seem to be unusual. It is important to mention that although pronouncing it the same, Spanish speakers often spell the word "okey" to conform with the pronunciation rules of the language.

Thus after analyzing the two samples we can distinguish the following translational strategies used in the translation process of these samples:

� ( 1) translation verbatium ;

� ( 2) substitution for an interjection with different form and but identical meaning that is appropriate for Spanish discourse;

� ( 3) translation with interjectional structures and phrases with the same meaning;

� ( 4) omission;

� (5) appearance of an interjection in the translated sample

� (6) the use of a foreign interjection ( no translation)

Possible reasons for the choice of different ways of rendering an interjection.

As we stated above, one of the main goals for this chapter is to analyze the samples and provide some supposition on why interjections are rendered in different ways and what factors influence the choice of a particular strategy. We arranged the strategies in the following analysis according to the frequency of their use, thus first come the strategies that predominate and the last one is the rarest case of the rendering of interjections.

First of all, we will speak about strategy 2: substitution for an interjection with different form but identical meaning that is appropriate for Spanish discourse. We suppose that interjections are rendered this way when there is an equivalent in the targeted language that is popular among the native speakers or when the original interjection is not popular enough to be borrowed. The latter can be illustrated by the example of the interjections� outch� and �ow� that are rendered by the Spanish interjections �Ay� and �Oy� typical for expressing pain. The same can be noticed with the interjection �Hey� that is usually rendered as �Oye� with the same function of attracting someone's attention. e.g.:

AE: - Ow! Ow, ow, ah! It hurts, it hurts!

Sp: - �Ay!�Ay!� Me duele! �Me duele!

AE: - Outch! You bit me?!

- Sp: - �Oy! ��Acabas de morderme?!

AE: - Hey, I like your wooly!

- Oh, really?

Sp: - Oye, me encanta tu sueter!

- Oh , �hablas en serio?

As for the first option that is the overall popularity of is an equivalent in the targeted language, here we may analyze the example of the interjection � Okay� that is though very popular and widespread usually is rendered by its Spanish equivalent �Vale� that is most popular among the native speakers. Almost in 80% �Okay� was rendered as �Vale� in comparison with only 20%of the instances of borrowing of this interjection.

AE: You know what�.- Okay, I'd better off .

Sp: Sabes�.- Vale, me voy.

AE: You are to return it!-Ookaaay.

Sp: �Tienes que devolv�rmelo!- Vale, vale.

The strategy that comes next is strategy 1(translation verbatium). Though there are few interjections rendered according to this strategy(�Come on� and �(Oh) my God�) the strategy in considered to be frequently used due to the fact that the interjection �My God� is one of the most frequently used interjections in the samples.

A.E.:

� Oh God, what's happened in here?!

� Yesterday when she was leaving the office she was ran over by a taxi cab�

- Oh my God, oh, oh God�..

Sp.:

� � Dios m�o! �Qu� ha pasado aqu�?

� Cuando sali� del despacho la atropell� un taxi.

- Madre m�a.... Vaya..... eso es incre�ble, Dios m�o, Dios m�o....

The next strategy is strategy 4 (omission). We suggest that only some minor, probably irrelevant elements may be omitted, and here we noticed that the omitted interjections usually performed the discursive function, what can serve as a proof that the discursive function is secondary for the interjection.

AE: It's really a good idea!-Yeah. Wonderful.

Sp: �Es de verdad genial!-Quebien.

AE: I think I should apologize to you...-Well, think so.

Sp: Pienso que debo pedirte perd�n...- Supongo.

AE: You don't understand me! - Oh, really?!

Sp: No me entiendes! - �� De verdad?

It is also important to mention one more reason for omission of an interjection that may be even more relevant than the first one. It is the omission of an interjection due to the discrepancy between the functions the interjection serves in the original sample and the function the same interjection performs in the targeted language. The example is the interjection �Oh� which functions differ drastically in the given languages, as it was stated in the previous chapter. Though as a rule it is replaced by the Spanish interjection with similar meaning in the Sp. Sample, there can be found cases of omission as well:

AE: - Oh my God! Phoebe, you know we have rules here and it�s not a place where�.

� Oh, yeah, I know but it�s not how it looks like. Rick is my husband.

� Oh, really? Then you�d better call another wife of his as she�s called three times asking where he is!

� Ok, I�ll do.

Sp: - �Madre de mi vida! Phoebe sabes las reglas, no es el sitio de la clase�.

� S�, yo lo s� pero no es lo que parece en absoluto. Rick es mi marido.

� En realidad? Entonces, tienes que llamar a su otra mujer ya que ha llamado tres veces preguntando donde est� su marido.

� Vale, tendr� que llamarla.

A.E.:

� Oh God, what's happened in here?!

Sp.:

� � Dios m�o! �Qu� ha pasado aqu�?

The next strategy that we are going to discuss is strategy 6: the use of a foreign interjection. Here we presume that borrowing is chosen due to the popularity and wide-spread use of the interjection that was borrowed before and has already been accepted by the community. The same example with �Okay� can be analyzed from this point of view, as it seems to be one of really few borrowed interjections in the Sp sample. As it was mentioned above it is the most spread and acknowledged word in the world and is very popular among the younger generation as it is compact and thus convenient for both speaking and writing and at the same time it carries a wide range of functions from discursive to emotive ones.

AE: Okay, I gotta go.

Sp: Okey, me voy.

AE: Okay, you win.

Sp: Okey, has ganado.

Strategy 3 (translation with interjectional structures and phrases with the same meaning) appeared to be not that popular, probably because the translators often try to produce the text that can be close to the original to the maximum.

AE: Why don�t you tell Ted that you love him?

� Come on, it�s a big deal for me!

� Oh God, seems you�ve never told a guy that you love him!

Sp: Por qu� no puedes decir a Ted que le quieres?

� Vamos, es algo importante para m�!

� �Por qu�? Como si nunca lo hubieras dicho a un chico!

Speaking about strategy 5 (appearance of an interjection in the translated sample) we should admit that it is not frequently applied to the translation and there are few examples of such kind of transformations. We suggest that they can be explained as the desire of the translator to add some more emotionality to the situation to adapt it to the reality of society of the targeted language.

AE: - Ugh, I don't support it!

� Gay marriage?

� No! Not a gay marriage..... Marriage!...

Sp: - Ugh, �no lo apruebo!

� �El matrimonio gay?

� No, no el matrimonio gay pero ...�el matrimonio! Brrrr...

AE: -You know what?! It does or it doesn�t, that�s it!

SP: -Oye! �Sabes que?Te lo parece o no te lo parece, eso es!

* * *

Thus, carrying out our research we noticed that 33% of all the interjections found in the AE sample disappear in the translation. We may see that the differences in the use of interjections in the original sample and the translated one can be traced in two directions: interjections can be omitted or replaced by an utterance in the translation or its equivalent as well as a new interjection appears where there is no interjection in the original utterance. After analyzing the two samples we can distinguish the following translational strategies used in the translation process of these samples:

� ( 1) translation verbatium ;

� ( 2) substitution for an interjection with different form and but identical meaning that is appropriate for Spanish discourse;

� ( 3) translation with interjectional structures and phrases with the same meaning;

� ( 4) omission;

� (5) appearance of an interjection in the translated sample

� (6) the use of a foreign interjection ( no translation)

All of these strategies are used for rendering interjections though the frequency of their usage varies greatly due to the advantages and disadvantages of each strategy and the necessity for the translated text to be as close as possible to the original.



CONCLUSION

The aim of this paper was to trace the peculiarities of the use of interjections in two distinct languages- English and Spanish, to find the differences and similarities in the functioning and frequency of interjections in the original English sample and its Spanish translation and distinguish the strategies to which translators resort in order to render interjections.

In order to achieve our aim the following tasks were singled out:

- to study theoretical works on interjections in order to compare different approaches to the grammatical description of interjection and work out our own interpretation of this language unit;

- to research the functions of interjections in language;

- to compare the frequency of interjections in the speech of the representatives of different nations;

- to investigate the functions performed by interjections of various types with respect to the peculiarities of both languages;

- to research the cases in which different interjections express the same function, and study their sociolinguistic variation;

- to ascertain whether there are universal interjections that can be found in the majority of languages;

- to analyze different ways of translating interjections from English to Spanish and other strategies of rendering emotions originally expressed with the help of interjections;

- to analyze the reasons for the choice of given ways of rendering.

In our research we considered different approaches to the description of interjections and their functioning in the language. We have studied the approaches to defining interjections as a part of speech and as a non-classified element of language, as well as theories that consider interjections to be the ancestor of the notional words, transitional stage of inarticulate sound flow to articulate speech.

We came to the conclusion that interjections are mostly considered as a notionless expression of feelings and emotions that is syntactically independent and can function either as an independent part of a sentence or as a separate sentence.

Morphologically the interjections are divided into two distinct groups: primary interjections that can be described as short forms of one or two syllable segments that are purely a combination of sounds and derived interjections that have more word-like or phrase-like forms usually derived from words of different grammatical classes (nouns, verbs, etc).

Interjections as polifunctional phenomena are used very broadly either to express emotions or to perform different discursive functions.

We studied different functions of interjections and worked out the classification, according to which we divide emotions expressed by interjections into positive and negative, and discursive functions into interactional and textual.

1. When used in emotive functions, interjections can express:

a) Positive emotions:

1) excitement

2) pleasure

3) satisfaction

4) delight

5) surprise

6) admiration

b) Negative emotions:

1. disgust

2. pain

3. shock

4. disappointment

5. irritation

6. anger

2. As a discourse marker the interjection performs the following functions:

1) Interactional

2) Textual.

Moreover, we allocated different semantic groups of interjections which can perform various functions: religious words, rude words, evaluative descriptors and some non- classified words.

It is important to mention that there can be found cases of borrowings in the class of interjections, thus we can conclude that interjections are quite flexible and can enter other languages either enriching the system of interjections or replacing original interjections.

For the purpose of investigation of how interjections in one language correlate with the ones used in the other language and what strategies are used by translators for rendering interjections we analyzed episodes from two American series: �How I Met Your Mother� and �Friends�.

We observed 921 examples of the use of interjections and came to the next conclusions:

1) In AE sample interjections occur 553 times and in Sp they occur only 368 times. In other words, the absolute frequency of interjections in AE is higher than in the Spanish sample, what gives us grounds for speaking about the process and results of the interpretation of interjections.

2) The analysis of the two language variants of the same material revealed the difference in the frequency of the use of primary and derived interjections in AE and Sp. We can say that derived interjections are more frequently used in the Spanish language than in the English language where primary interjections prevail.

3) Analyzing primary interjections we set ourselves a goal to find out whether there are universal primary interjections that can be found in the majority of languages and whether they have the same functions in all these languages. We concluded that there can be found some universal primary interjections that are present in the majority of languages, even if they belong to different language branches, but the meaning and the number of functions and the functions themselves may differ from language to language, though there are examples of universal functions of some primary interjections, the most common of such is �Oh�.

4) The analysis of derived interjections showed the predominant role of interjections of verbal origin in Spanish that helps to produce a more dynamic, more emotional effect, if compared to the predominance of interjections of nominal character in the AE sample. This may be a result of cultural differences, as the Spanish culture and mentality are considered to be most vivid and bright, emotions stronger and more demonstrated while Americans tend to be emotional but more reserved than Spaniards.

5) If we compare the percentage of the interjections serving as discourse markers and those performing the emotive function we can see that the number of emotive interjections is almost three times larger than the number of those that are discourse markers in the Spanish sample and almost the same figures can be observed in the English one. This may serve as a proof to the statement about the emotive nature of interjections and demonstrates that the emotive function is their predominant function, though there can be found interjections performing the discursive function as well.

6) The interjections have a potential to express a wide range of emotions, both positive and negative. Negative emotions are more often rendered with the help of interjections than positive. However while some emotions can be rendered by a relatively wide range of interjections (for example, surprise or delight), some emotions have a restricted range of interjections that express them (for example, disgust)

7) We noticed that 33% of all the interjections found in the AE sample disappear in the translation. The interjections that usually disappear in the translation are mainly primary interjections that are either omitted or replaced by a word combination. We suggest that only some minor, probably irrelevant elements may be omitted, and here we noticed that the omitted interjections usually performed the discursive function, what can serve as another proof that the discursive function is secondary for the interjection.

8) The differences in the use of interjections in the original sample and the translated one can be traced in two directions: interjections can be omitted or replaced by an utterance in the translation or its equivalent as well as a new interjection appears where there is no interjection in the original utterance.

9) After analyzing the two samples we can distinguish the following translational strategies used in the translation process of these samples:

( 1) translation verbatium ;

( 2) substitution for an interjection with different form and but identical meaning that is appropriate for Spanish discourse;

( 3) translation with interjectional structures and phrases with the same meaning;

( 4) omission;

(5) appearance of an interjection in the translated sample

(6) the use of a foreign interjection ( no translation)

10) The frequency of the usage of these strategies varies greatly due to the advantages and disadvantages of each strategy and the necessity for the translated text to be as close as possible to the original (strategies are organized due to the frequency of their use):

1) strategy 2. We suppose that interjections are rendered this way when there is an equivalent in the targeted language that is popular among the native speakers or when the original interjection is not popular enough to be borrowed.

2) strategy 1. Though there are few interjections rendered according to this strategy (�Come on� and �(Oh) my God�) the strategy in considered to be frequently used due to the fact that the interjection �My God� is one of the most frequently used interjections in the samples.

3) strategy 4. We noticed that the omitted interjections usually performed the discursive function, what can serve as a proof that the discursive function is secondary for the interjection. Another reason for the omission of an interjection is the omission due to the discrepancy between the functions the interjection serves in the original sample and the function the same interjection performs in the targeted language.

4) strategy 6. Here we presume that borrowing is chosen due to the popularity and wide-spread use of the interjection that was borrowed before and has already been accepted by the community.

5) strategy 3. Itappeared to be not that popular, probably because the translators often try to produce the text that can be close to the original to the maximum

6) strategy 5. It is not frequently applied to the translation and there are few examples of such kind of transformations. We suggest that they can be explained as the desire of the translator to add some more emotionality to the situation to adapt it to the reality of society of the targeted language.

Interjections can be found in different languages, and though they have some common features, and there are even some interjections common for the majority of languages, there can be found some differences in their sets and functioning, due to differences in culture and mentality of the nations.For example, the predominance of interjections of verbal character reveals a more dynamic character of the Spanish language if compared to American English where most of the derived interjections are of nominal character. This and other differences may be observed while comparing the original sample with its translation.



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Materials submitted to analysis:

1. � How I Met Your Mother� Season 2, Episodes 1- 19

2. �Friends� Season 4, Episodes 1-11

Internet sources:

1. http://online-teacher.ru/blog/interjections-spanish

2. http://www.vidarholen.net/contents/interjections/

3. http://de.wiktionary.org/wiki/Kategorie:Interjektion_(Deutsch)

4. http://fr.wiktionary.org/wiki/Cat�gorie:Interjections_en_fran�ais

5. http://it.wiktionary.org/wiki/Categoria:Interiezioni_in_italiano

6. http://en.wiktionary.org/wiki/oh#English

7. http://en.wiktionary.org/wiki/oh_my_God#English

8. .http://en.wiktionary.org/wiki/OK#English

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