Affixation in modern english

Word-building as one of the main ways of enriching vocabulary and the affixation is one of the most productive ways. Studying of affixation, which play important role in word-formation, classifying of affixes according to its structure and semantics.

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The connotation of same diminutive suffixes is not one or endearment but of some outlandish elegance and novelty, particularly in the case of the borrowed suffix - ette (kitchenette, launderette, lecturette, maisonette, etc). The diminutive suffixes being not very productive, there is a tendency to express the same meaning by the semiaffix mini- : mini-bus, mini-car, mini-crisis, mini-skirt, etc. Which may be added to words denoting both objects situations.
A suffix is a derivative final element which as or formely was productive in forming words. A suffix has semantic value, but it does not occur as an independent speech unit.
2.4.2 Suffixes and endings
It is necessary to point out the similarity and difference between derivative and functional morphemes. Morphologically, two words such as citizen and citizenry are formed after the same principle of root plus affix. At first sight, the conceptual structure also looks very much alike: the-s of citizens and the - ry of citizenry both express the idea of plurality, collectivity. But the difference in valued is one between grammatical function and lexical meaning. The - s of citizens is the inflectional formative of the grammatical category «plural» where - ry forms a class of words with the semantic basis «group», collectivity of…».
A suffixal derivative is primarily a lexical form. It is a two-morpheme word which behaves like a one-morpheme word in that it is «grammatically equivalent to any simple word in all the constructions where it occurs» (Bloch-Trager, OLA 54). An inflected word is primarily a grammatical form which does not meet the requirements just stated. While in a sentence such as this citizenry feels insulted we could substitute the simple, one-morpheme words crowd, multitude, nation for bi-morphemic citizenry without any change in the behavior of the other members of the sentence, replacement by the two-morpheme word citizens would involve a change of this to these and of feels to feel. The formatives - er, - est as expressing degree of comparison are endings, not suffixes. In a sentence such as Paul is older than Peter we could not substitute any one-morpheme word for bi-morphemic old-er whereas in he is rather o l dish the adj old can take the place of old-ish. It will also be interesting to note the different phonetic make-up of comparatives and super lateness compared with derived adjectives. Youngish, longish betray the morpheme boundary before - ish in that the final consonant does not change before the initial vowel of the derivative suffix whereas in younger, longer the consonants are treated as standing in medial position in unit words, just like finger or clangor, [jg] being the ante vocalic (and ante sonantic) allophone of [j].
2.4.3 The origin of suffixes
As to the origin of suffixes, there are two ways in which a suffix may come into existence: 1) the suffix was once an independent word but is no longer one; 2) the suffix has originated as such, usually as a result of secretion. Case 1) applies to a few native suffixes only. The suffixes - dem and hood are independent words still in OE, so the process where by a second-word becomes a suffix can be observed historically. An instance of case 2) is the suffix - ling which is simply the extended form of suffix - ing in words whose stem ended in - l.
Hall-way between second-words and suffixes are certain second elements which are still felt to be words though they are no longer used in isolation: - monger, wright and-wise exist only as second parts of suffixs. I have treated them as semi suffixes. The fact that a word is frequently used as the second element of a suffix gives us no right to call it a suffix. Thus the following are not suffixes: - caster (as in broadcaster, gamecaster, newscaster), fiend (as in the AE words cigarette fiend, opium-fiend, absinthe-fiend, cocaine - fiend etc…), craft (as in witchcraft, leechcrajt, prestaraft, statecraft, smith raft, mother craft), or - proof (as in bomb-, fire-, rain-, sound-, water-, hole kiss-, humor-etc. proof) which Jazzperson wrongly terms one.
The contact of English with various foreign languages has led to the adoption of countless foreign words. In the process, many derivative morphemes have also been introduced, suffixes as well as prefixes. As a consequence, we have many hybrid types of composites. We have to distinguish between two basing groups. A foreign word is combined with a native affix, as in dear-ness, un-button. Just as the in production of a foreign word is an essentially uncomplicated matter, so is its combination with a native derivative element. As no structural problem is involved in the use of a foreign lexical unit, it can be treated like native words. This is the reason why native prefixes and suffixes were added to French words almost immediately after the words had been introduced. Suffixes such as - ful, - less, ness were early used with French words so we find faithful, faithless, clearness and others recorded by 1300. The case is different with foreign affixes added to native words. Here, the assimilation of a structural pattern is involved, not merely the adoption of a lexical unit. Before the foreign affix can be used, a foreign syntagma must have come to be familiar with speakers so that the pattern of analysis may be imitated and the dependent morpheme be used with native words. This is much more complicated. When it does happen, such formations are found much later than those of the first type. This is to be regarded as a general linguistic phenomenon. It explains why combinations of the types break-age, hindr-ance, yeoman-ry crop up much later and the less numerous. The early assimilation of - able is exceptional. Some foreign affixes, as - ance, - al (type arrival), ity have never become productive with native words.
The majority of foreign suffixes owe their existance to the reinterpretation of loons. When a foreign word comes to be analyzed as a composite, a syntagma, it may acquire derivative force. The syntagmatic character of a word there fore is a precondition for the development of a derivative morpheme.
From landscape (which is Du landsdap) resulted scrape which is almost entirely used as the second element of suffixs, as in seascape 1799 and later earths cape, cloudscape, sands cape, mountains cape, moonscape, parks cape, skyscape, waterscape, house-scape, roads-cape, mindscape. Bottlegger attracted booklegger one trading in obscene books, foodlegger «illicit food-seller, meatlegger, tirelegger» (used at a time when things were rationed in US).
The word hierarchy attracted squir(e) archy 1804, which does not, however, mean that there is a suffix - arohy. The attraction is prob due to the rime only, and other coinages have not been made.
Another AE suffix is-eteria with meaning «shop, store, establishment». The starting-point is prob. Mexican Spanish cafeteria which passed into American English (first used about 1898). As it was immediately analyzable in American English, with the first element interpreted as an allomorph of [kafi] it attected a good number of words (chiefly since 1930). Mencken has about 50 words, such as basketeria, caketeria, candyteria, cleaneteria, luncheteria, drygoodsteria, drugteria, fruiteria, shoeteria, chccolateria, furnitureteria. The original implication was «place where articles are sold on the self-service plant» (so in the recent coinage gas-a-teria, Life International). The only common word, however, is cafeteria, stressed as indicated.
The process of secretion requires some more comment. The basic principle is that of re-interpretation: but there are several ways in which re-interpretation occurs.
1). A suffix may be analyzed by the general speaker as having two contituent elements, the basis as an independent morpheme and the suffix as a derivative element. This is the case of the preceding types lemonade and land-scape. This process of direct re-interpretation is the form secretion commonly assumes.
2). A suffix is not made up of two constituent elements as far as the general speaker is concerned. If aristocracy, democracy, plutocracy yield more or less jocular words such as landocracy, mobocracy, cottoncracy, this is due to a meeting and blending of two heterogeneous structural systems: a certain structural element of one linguistic system is isolated and introduced into another linguistic system. The speaker with a knowledge of Greek isolates - ocracy «rule» in a series of 6 reek-coined words and introduces it as a derivative element into the structural system of English. But dependent structural elements are tied up with certain morphologic conditions of the linguistic system to which they belong and cannot there fore be naturally transplanted, unlike words, which are independent lexical elements, not subject to any specific morphological conditions. Such coinages are felt to be hybrids by the word-coiner himself, so the process is not used for serious purposes as a rule. Admittance of such foreign derivative elements is also impeded by the fact that they bear no resemblance to any morpheme with which the hearer of the hybrid suffix is familiar. The linguistic situation is different with foreign-coined words of which one element is immediately associated with a morpheme of the hearers language. Words like barometer, thermometer are automatically connected with the independent word mater whose unstressed allomorph the words contain. This explains the rise and currency of speedometer, cream ometer and quite recent drunkometer.
But otherwise, hybrid coinages of this derivative pattern will always have a limited range of currency or the tinge of faketiousness, as bumpology, bumposopher (both jocular from hump «protuberance on the cranium as the sign of special mental faculies»), storiology, weather logy, dollolaty a. o. Parallel to the above words in - ocracy are such in - ocrat, as mobocrat bancrat bankocrat. Very similar to the case of barometer / speed omoter is that of the American suffix - fest. Fom the German words Sincerest and Turn fest, which were first used in the early 50 s in U.S. a series of other words were derived, such as smoke fest, walkfest, eatfest, stuntfest, bookfest, gabfest. The element - fest was obviously interpreted as the allomorph of feast. The word cavalcade was re-interpreted as containing the element caval-» horse» and the suffix-cade «parade» and attracted such coining as aerocade, aquacade (on a Latin basis of coining), autocade, camelcade, motorcade (on a native basis of coining), recent words which may not stand the test of time. From the word panorama the characteristic ending-rama was secreted with the meaning «pageant, show» and has recently led to such words as cinerama, motorama, autorama.
Sometimes ignorant but pretentious people take to coining words, re-interpreting foreign word in their own way. They vaguely feel that there is some characteristic termination in a 6 reek or Latin word which they then attach to some English basis to give the c.b.a «learned» tinge. As a result, we get barbarisms in-athon, coined after Marathon, such as danceathon, swimathon etg, in-thorium, such as corsetorium, lubritorium etc.
Thus, the rise of suffix illustrated by types aristocracy/ landocracy, barometer/ speedometer and others treated in the preceding passage can stay out pf accounted for suffixal derivation.
There is yet a third way in which suffixes may arise. Words of apparently only one constituent element may develop derivative morphemes. If we take such a word as hamburger, we observe that it has attracted other coining like cheeseburger, bufburger, fishburger. The analysis of the word cannot be, as one may feel tempted to assume, that of ham and burger as there is no ham in the humburger. So the word cheeseburger has not arisen from re-interpretation. What has taken place is a shortening of the morpheme hamburger into a fore-clipped - burger, this part being taken as representative of the semantic elements contained in hamburger. The suffix cheeseburger there fore is a clipped word for non-existent cheese hamburger. Parallel to - burger words are such in - furture, as shrimpfurder, krautfurter, chicenfurter. In election campaign words such as Hoovercrat, Willkiecrat, - crat was short for democrat. The word telegram 1852 gave rise to cablegram, radiogram, pidgeongram, lettergram where - gram is short for telegram/ Tnr diminutive suffix - ling prginated in the same way. Wolfling «young wolf» is a blend pf wol fand, young-ling «young animal»
2.4.4 Nominal and verbal suffixes
In ME there are nominal and verbal suffixes. The suffixs - fold, - most and - ward form words which are used both as adjectives and adverbs.
The meaning of a suffix is conditioned by the particular semantic character of the basis to which the suffix is attached, also by the linguistic circumstances in which the coinage is made. In general parlance, a fiver is a bill of five (dollars or pounds), in crikret, jargon it is a hit for five, in school life it may denote a boy who always scrapes through with a five. A greening is a green variety of apple or pear, but a whiting is a white variety of fish. For other possibilities see - er and - ing, for instance. Some concepts are apt to be represented by suffixes in many languages as those of condition (state, quality etc), appurtenance, collectivity, endearment agent a.o, but theoretically there is no telling what concept may not develop to find expression in a suffix. French has a suffix - ier (type pommier) to denote fruit trees, there I - ile for the idea of stable for demos tic animals, 0.6 has a suffix - it is (type nephritis) meaning disease. These have no parallels in English, or in German either. But no intrinsic linguistic principle is involved in the absence of such morphemes. The rise of new suffix in English goes to corroborate this.
A new words are needed with regard to adverbal derivatives. Adeverbal derivative is not fundamentally different from a cpd whose first member is a verb stem, so as in the case of denominal suffixes, a great number of meanings are possible. In practice, however, the possibilities are much restricted. Deverbal suffixes express grammatical functions than semantic concepts, and the usual implications are «act, fact, instance of…» (arrival, quidanse, warning), sometimes «state of…» (starvation, bewilderment), «agent» (personal or impersonal: baker, eraser, disinfectant), «personal object» (direct or indirect, only with - ee, transferee, draftee), «object of result» (breakade, savings), «plase» (settlement, brewery, lodgings). Similar considerations apply to derivation by a zero morpheme (pickpocket, blackaut, look).
2.5 The valency of affixes and stems
Another essential feature of affixes that should not be overlooked is their combining power or valency, i.e. the types of types of the stems with which they they occur.
We have already seen that not all combinations of existing morphemes are actually used. This, unhappy, untrue and unattractive are quite regular combinations, while seemingly analogous unsad, unfalse, un-pretty seems unusual. The possibility of particular stem taking a particular affix depends on phonomor-phological, morphological and semantic factors. The suffix ance - ence, for instance, occurs onli after b, t, d, dz, v, l, r, m, n,: disturbance, insistence, indepence, but not after s or z: condensation, organization.
It is of course impossible to describe the whole system. To make our point clear we shall take adjectives as an example. The adjective-forming suffixes are mostly attached to noun stems. They are: - ed (barbed), - en (golden), - ful (careful), - less (careless), - ly (soldierly), - like (childlike), - y (hearty) and some others. The highly productive suffix-able can be combined with noun stems and verbal stems alike (clubbable). It is especially frequent in the pattern in the pattern un - + verbal stem + able (unbearable). Sometimes it is even attached to phrases producing compound derivatives (unbrushoffable, ungetatable). These characteristics are of great importance both structurally and semantically.
Their structural significance is clear if we realize that to describe the system of a given vocabulary one must know the typical patterns on which its words are coined. To achieve this it is necessary not only to know the morphemes of which they consist but also to reveal their recurrent+ regular combinations and the relationship existing between them. This approach ensures a rigorously linguistic basis for the identification of lexico-grammatical classes within each part of speech. In the English language these classes are so far little studied, although inquiry info this problem seems very promising and begins to affect attention.
It is also worthy of note that from the viewpoint of the information theory the fact that not every affix is capable of combining with any given stem makes the code more reliable, protects it from noise. Noise as a term of the theory of information is used to denote any kind of interference with the process of communication, mistakes, and misunderstanding.
The valiancy of stems is not therefore unlimited. Noun stems can be followed by the noun-forming suffixes: - age (bondage), - dom (serfdom), - eer, - ier (profitter, collier), ess (waitress), - ful (spoonful), - hood (childhood), - ian (physician), ics (linguistics), - ie / - y (daddy), - ing (flooring), - ism (heroism), - ist (violinist), - let (cloudlet), - ship (friendship); by the adjective-forming suffixes: - a/ - ial (doctoral), - an (African), - ary (revolutionary), - ed (wooded), - ful (hopeful), - ic, - ical (historic, historical), - ish (childish), - like (businesslike), - ly (friendly)/ - ous/ - ious/ - eous (spacious), - some (handsome), - y (cloudy); verb - forming suffixes: - ate (aerate), - en (hearten), - fy/, - ify (speechify), - ize (sympathize).
Verbal stems are almost equal to noun stems in valiancy. They combine with the following noun-forming suffixes: - age (breakage), - al (betrayal), - ance/ - ense (guidance, reference), - ant/ - ent (assistant, student), - ee (evacuee), - er/ - or (painter, editor), - ing (uprising), - ion/ - tion/ ation (action, information), - ment (government). The adjective - forming suffixes used with verbal stems are: - able/ - ible (agreeable, comprehensible), - ive/ - sive/ - tive (talkative), - some (meddlesome).
Adjective stems furnish a shorter list: - dom (freedom), - ism (realism), - ity/ - ty (reality, cruelty), - ness (brightness), ish (reddish), - ly (firmly), - ate (differentiate), - en (sharpen), - fy/ - ify (solidify).
The combining possibilities (or valiancy) are very important semantically because the meaning of the derivative depends not only on the morphemes of Wichita's composed but also on combinations of stave and affix that can be contrasted with it. Contrast is to be local for in the use of the same morpheme in different environment and also in the use of different morphemes in environments otherwise the same.
The difference between the suffixes - ity and - ism, for instance, will become clear if we compare them as combined with identical stems in the following oppositions: formality: formalism: humanity: humanist: reality: realism. Roughly, the words in - ity mean the quality of being what the corresponding adjective describes, or an instance of this quality. The resulting nouns are countable. The suffix - ism forms nouns, naming a disposition to what the adjective describes or a corresponding type of ideology. Beng uncountable they belong to a different lexico-grammatical class.
The similarity on which an apposition is based may consist, for the material under consideration in the present paragraph, in the sameness of a suffix. A description of suffixes according to the stems with which they are combined and the lexico-grammatical classes they serve to differentiate may be helpful in the analysis of the meanings they are used to render.
A good example is furnished by the suffix - ish, as a suffix of adjectives. The combining possibilities of the suffix - ish are vast but not unlimited. Boyish and waspish are used, where as enmesh and aspish are not. The constraints here are of semantic nature. It is regularly present in the names of nationalities as for example: British, Irish, Spanish. When added to noun stems, it formes adjectives of the type «having the nature of with a moderately derogatory colouring» bookish, churlish, monkeyish, sheepish, swinish. Chidish has a derogatory twist of meaning, the adjective with a good sense is childlike. A man may be said to behave with a childish petulance, but with a childlike simplicity. Compare also womanly having the qualities befitting a woman, as in womanly compassion, womanly grace, womanly tact, with the derogatory womanish effeminate as in: Womanish tears, traitors to love and duty. (Cole ridge).
With adjective stems the meaning is not derogatory, the adjective renders a moderate degree of the quality named: greenish somewhat green, stiffish somewhat stiff, thinnish somewhat thin. The model is especially frequent with colours: blackish, brownish, reddish. A similar but stylistically peculiar meaning is observed in combinations with numeral stems. eightyish, fortyish and the like are equivalent to round about eighty, round about forty: Whats she like, Min? «Sixtyish Stout Grey hair. Tweeds. Red face.» (MCCRONE)
In colloquial speech the suffix - ish is added to words denoting the time of the day: four-oclockish or more often fourish means round about four o'clock For example: Robert and I went to a cocktail party at Annette's. (Ituas called «drinks at six thirty ish» - the word «cocktail» was going out). (W. COOPER).
The study of correlations of derivatives and stems is also helpful in bringing into relief the meaning of the affix. The lexico-grammatical meaning of the suffix-ness that forms nouns of quality from adjective stems becomes clear from the study of correlations of the derivative and the underlying stem. A few examples picked up at random will be sufficient proof: good: goodness: kind: kindness: lonely: loneliness: ready: readiness: righteous: righteousness: slow:slowness.
The suffixes - ion (and its allomorphs) and - or are noun-forming suffixes combined with verbal stems. The opposition between them serves to distinguish between two subclasses of noun abstract noun and agent nouns, e.g. accumulation: accumulator; action:actor; election:elector; liberation:liberator, oppressor; vibration:vibrator, etc. The abstract noun in this case may mean action, state or result of action remaining within the same subclass. Thus, cultivation denotes the process of cultivating (most often of cultivating the soil) and the state of being cultivated. Things may be somewhat different, with the suffix - or because a cultivator is a person who cultivates and a machine for breaking up ground, loosening the earth round growing plants and destroying weeds. Thus two different subclasses are involved: one of animate beings, the other of inanimate things. They differ not only semantically but grammatically too: there exists a regular opposition between animate and inanimate nouns in English: the first group is substituted by he or she, and the second by the pronoun it. In derivation this opposition of animate personal noun to all other noun is in some cases sustained by such suffixes as - ard/ - art (braggart), - ist (novelist) and a few others, but most often neutralized. The term neutralization may be defined as c temporary suspension of an otherwise functioning opposition. Neutralization as in the word Cultivator, is also observed with such suffixes as - ant, - er that also occur in agent nouns, both animate and inanimate. CF. accountant a person who keeps accounts and coolant a cooling substance; fitter mechanic who fits up all kinds of metalwork and shutter (in photography) device regulating the exposure to light of a plate of film: runner a messenger and a millstone.
Structural observations such as these show that an analysis of suffixes in the light of their valiancy and the lexico-grammatical subclasses that they serve to differentiate may be useful in the analysis of their semantic properties. The notions of opposition, correlation and neutralization introduced into linguistics by N. Trubetzkoy and discussed in previous chapters prove relevant and helpful in morphological analysis.
2.6 Prefixation
2.6.1 Prefixes of native and foreign origin
We call prefixes such particle s as can be prefixed to full words but are them selves not words with an independent existence. Native prefixes have developed out of independent words. Their number is small: a-, be-, un-, (negative and reversative), fore-, mid-and (partly) mis-, Prefixes of foreign origin came into the language ready made, so to speak. Tey are due to syntagmatic loans from other languages: when a number of analyzable foreign words of the same strucure had been introduced into the language, the pattern could be extended to new formations. i. e. the prefix then became a derivative morpheme. Some prefixes have second le-rely developed uses as independent words, as counter, sub, arch which does not invalidate the principle that primarily they were particles with no independent existence. The same phenomenon occurs with suffixes also.
2.6.2 Prefixing on a Neo-Latin basis of coining
There are many prefixes, chiefly used in learned words or in scientific terminology, which have come into the language through borrowing from Modern Latin, as ante-, extra-, intra-/ meta, para - etc. The practice of word coining with there particles begins in the 16th century, but really develops with the progress of modern science only, i.e. in the 18th and esp the 19th century. With these particles there is a practical difficulty. They may represent 1) such elements as are prefixes (in the above meaning) in Latin or 6 reek, as a - (acaudal etc.), semi - (semi-annual), 2) such elements as exist as prepositions or particles with an independent word existence, as intra, circum / hyper, para, 3) such as are the stems of full words in Latin or 6 reek, as multi-, omni-/ astro-, hydro.
This last group is usually termed combining forms (OED Webster). In principle, the three groups are on the same footing from the point of view of English wf, as they represent loan elements in English with no independent existence as words. That macro-, micro - a. o. should be termed combining from while hyper-, hypro-, intro-, intra - a. o. are called prefixes by the OED, is by no means justified.
Only such pts as are prefixed to fool English words of generals, learned, scientific or technical character can be termed prefixes. Hyper-in hypersensitive is a prefix, but hyper - in hypertrophy is not, as-trophy is no word.
We cannot, however, under take to deal with all the prepositive elements occurring in English. Such elements as astro-, electro-, galato-, hepato-, oscheo - and countless others which are used in scientific or technical terminology have not been treated in this book. They offer a purely dictionary interest in any case. In the main, only those pts howe been considered that fall under the above groups 1) and 2) But we have also in duded a few prefixes which lie outside this scope, as prfs denoting number (poly-, multi-), the pronominal stem auto, which is used with many words of general character, and pts which are type - forming with English words of wider currency (as crypto-, neo-, pseudo-).
There is often competition between prefixes as there is between suffixes and in dependent words: over - and out - sometimes overlap, there is overlapping between un - (negative) and in-, un - (reversative), dis - and de-, between ante and pre-, super - and trans-, super - and supra.
2.6.3 The conceptual relations underlying prefixed words
A pre-particle or prefix combination may be based on three different conceptual patterns and accordingly present the prefixing three functional aspects: 1) the prefix has adjectival force (with sbs, as in anteroom, archbishop, co-hostess, ex-king); 2) the prefix has adverbial force (with adjectives and verbs, as in unconscious, hypersensitive, informal, overanxious/ unroll, revrite, mislay); 3) the prefix has prepositional force (as in prewar years, postgraduate studies, antiaircraft gun) afire, aflutter/anti-Nazi, afternoon/encage: sbs and vbs must be considered syntagmas with a zero determinate, the suffixs anti-Nazi, afternoon, encage being the respective determinants).
The preceding conceptual patterns are important in the determination of the stress: while a suffix. Based on an adjunct (primary relation tends to have two heavy stresses (as in arch - enemy)) or may even have the main stress on the prefix (as in subway), the prf. Has not more than a full middle stress in the other types.
2.6.4 The phonemic status of prefixes
The semi-independent, word-like status of prefixes also appears from their treatment in regard to stress. With the exception of regularly unstressed a - (as in afire, aflutter), be - (as in befriend), and em-, en - (as in emplace, encage) all prefixes have stress. To illustrate this important point a comparison with non-composite words of similar phonetic structure will be useful. If we compare the words re-full and repeat, morphemic re- / ri / in refill is basically characterized by presence of stress whereas non-morphemic re - [ri] is basically characterized by absence of stress. This is proved by the fact that under certain phonetically unpredictable circumstances, the phonemic stress of re-in re-full, though basically a middle stress, can take the form of heavy stress where as phonemic absence of stress can never rise to presence of stress. They refilled the tank may become they refilled the tank (for the sake of contrast) or they refilled the tank (for emphasis), but no such shift is conceivable for mono-morphemic repeat, incite, prefer etc. Which invariably maintain the pattern no stress/heavy stress.
2.7 Productive and non-productive affixes
The synchronic analysis of the preceding paragraph studies the present-day system and patterns characterized of the English vocabulary by comparing simultaneously existing words. In diachronic analysis Lexical elements are compared with those from which they have been formed and developed and their present productivity is determined. The diachronic study of vocabulary establishes whether the present morphological structure of each element of the vocabulary is due to the process of affixation or some other word-forming process, which took place within the English vocabulary in the course of its development, or whether it has some other source. The possible other sources are: (1) the borrowing of morphologically divisible words, e.g. i/-liter-ate from lat. Illiterates or litera-ture from lat litteratura: (2) reactivation, e.g. When in a number of Latin verbs harrowed in the second participle form with the suffix - at (us), this suffix became - ate (separate), and came to be understood as a characteristic mark of the infinitive; (3) False etymology: when a difficult, usually borrowed, word structure is destroyed in to some form suggesting a motivation, as, for instance, in the change of asparagus into sparrowgrass, or OF r and ME crevice into crayfish.
Synchronic analysis concentrates on structural types and treats word-formation as a system of rules, aiming at the creation of a consistent and complete theory by which the observed facts cab be classified, and the non-observed facts can be predicted. This aim has not been achieved as yet, so that a consistently synchronic description of the English language is still fragmentary still requires frequent revision. Diachronic analysis concentrating on word-forming possesses is more fully worked out.
All the foregoing treatment has been strictly synchronic i.e. only the present state of the English vocabulary has been taken into consideration. To have a complete picture of affixation, however one must be acquainted with the development of the stock of morphemes involved. A diachronic approach is thus indispensable.
The basic contrast that must be detalt with in this connection is the opposition of productive and non-productive affixes.
Affixation is the formation of words with the help of derivational affixes. Affixation is subdivided into prefixation and suffixation. Ex. if a prefix «dis» is added to the stem «like» (dislike) or suffix «ful» to «law» (lawful) we say a word is built by an affixation. Derivational morphemes added before the stem of a word are called prefixes (Ex. un+ like) and the derivational morphemes added after the stem of the word are called suffixes (hand+ ful). Prefixes modify the lexical meaning of the stem meaning i. e. the prefixed derivative mostly belongs to the same part of speech. Ex. like (v.) - dislike (v.).kind (adj.) - unkind (adj.) but suffixes transfer words to a different part of speech, ex. teach (v.) - teacher (n.). But new investigations into the problem of prefixation in English showed interesting results. It appears that the traditional opinion, current among linguists that prefixes modify only the lexical meaning of words without changing the part of speech is not quite correct. In English there are about 25 prefixes which can transfer words to a different part of speech. Ex. - head (n) - behead (v), bus(n) - debus(v), brown (adj) - embrown(u), title(n) - entitle(v), large (adj). - enlarge (v), camp(n). - encamp(u), war(n). - prewar (adj). If it is so we can say that there is no functional difference between suffixes and prefixes. Besides there are linguists1 who treat prefixes as a part of word-composition. They think that a prefix has.he same function as the first component of a compound word. Other linguists2 consider prefixes as derivational affixes which differ essentially from root-morphemes and stems. From the point of view of their origin affixes may be native and borrowed. The suffixes-ness, - ish, - dom, - ful, - less, - ship and prefixes be-, mis-, un-, fore-, etc are of native origin. But the affixes - able, - ment, - ation, - ism, - ist, re-, anti-, dis-, etc are of borrowed origin. They came from the Greek, Latin and French languages. Many of the suffixes and prefixes of native origin were independent words. In the course of time they have lost their independence and turned into derivational affixes. Ex. - dom, - hood. /O.E. had - state, rank, - dom (dom condemn, - ship has developed from noun «scipe» (meaning: state); the adjective forming suffix «-ly» has developed from the noun «lic» (body, shape). The prefixes out-, under-, over etc also have developed out of independent words.
Another problem of the study of affixes is homonymic affixes. Homonymic affixes are affixes which have the same sound form, spelling but different meanings and they are added to different parts of speech.
Ex. ful (1) forms adjectives from a noun: love (v) - loveful (adj/, man (n), - manful (adj).
- ful (2) forms adjective from a verb: forget (v.) - forgetful, (adj) thank (v.) - thankful (adj).
- ly(l) added to an adjective stem is homonymous to the adjective forming suffix - ly(2) which is added to a noun stem. Ex. quickly, slowly, and lovely, friendly.
The verb suffix-en (1) added to a noun and adjective stem is homonymous to the adjective forming suffix - en (2) which is added to a noun stem. Ex. to strengthen, to soften, and wooden, golden.
The prefix un - (l) added to a noun and a verb stem is homonymous to the prefix un - (2) which is added to an adj¬ective stem. Ex. unshoe, unbind, unfair, untrue.
In the course of the history of English as a result of borrowings there appeared many synonymous affixes in the language. Ex. the suffixes - er, - or, - ist, - ent, - ant, - eer, - ian, - man, - ee, - ess form synonymous affixes denoting the meaning «agent». Having the meaning of negation the prefixes un-, in-, non-, dis-, rnis - form synonymic group of prefixes. It is interesting to point out that the synonymous affixes help us to reveal different lexico-semantic groupings of words. Ex. the words formed by the suffixes - man, - er, - or, - ian, - ee, - eer, - ent, ant etc. belong to the lexico-semantic groupings of words denoting «doer of the action». The affixes may also undergo semantic changes, they may be polysemantic. Ex. the noun forming suffix «er» has the following meanings:
1) persons following some special trade and profession (driver, teacher, hunter); 2) persons doing a certain action at the moment in question (packer, chooser, giver); 3) tools (blotter, atomizer, boiler, transmitter).
The adjective forming suffix «-y» also has several meanings:
1) composed of, full of (bony, stony)
2) characterized by (rainy, cloudy)
3) having the character of resembling what the stem denotes (inky, bushy etc.)
Thus, affixes have different characteristic features.
The Comparative analysis of the English language with other languages showed that English is not so rich in suffixes as, for example, the Uzbek language. The total number of suffixes is 67 in English but the Uzbek suffixes are 171 and, vice versa, prefixation is more typical to the English language than Uzbek (Compare: 79:8)
In Uzbek there are following prefixes: be-, no-, ba, bo-, nim- By their origin the Uzbek affixes like English ones are divided into native and borrowed. The suffixes:chi, - gar, - zor, - li, - lik, - o'q are native suffixes but. - izm, - atsiya, bo, no-, namo-, - ki are of borrowed origin. The affixes may be divided into different semantic groups. These semantic groups of affixes may be different in different languages. For example, diminutive affixes in Uzbek are more than in English (see the table)
In English
In Uzbek
-ie (birdie), - let (cloudlet), - ting (wolf ling), - ette (mountainette), - ock (hillock), - y (Jony), - et (whippet), - kin (tigerkin),

-akay (yol-yolakay), alak(do'ngalak), - gina(qizgina), jon(dadajon)

As compared with the Uzbek language the negative affixes are more widely used in English.
In Uzbek: - siz (qo'lsiz), be - (berahm), no - (noxush)
In English: - less - (handless), a-, an - (anomalous); - un - (unkind) dis - (dislike), anti - (antibiotic), de - (decode), in - (innocent) ir - (irregular), im - (impossible), non - (nondeductive)
Though the number of Uzbek prefixes is very few (they are - 8) they are capable of changing words from one part of speech into another. Ex. adab. (n.)» - boadab(adj), hosil (n) - serhosil(adj)
There are different classifications of affixes in linguistic literature. Affixes may be divided into dead and living. Dead affixes are those which are no longer felt in Modern English as component parts of words. They can be singled out only by an etymological analysis. Ex.admit (fromL ad+mit-tere); deed, seed (-d) flight, bright(-t).
Living affixes are easily singled out from a word. Ex. freedom, childhood, marriage.
Living affixes are traditionally in their turn divided into productive and non-productive. Productive affixes are those which are characterized by their ability to make new words. Ex. - er (baker, lander (kosmik kema); - ist (leftist - (chap taraf)) - ism, - ish (baldish) - ing, - ness, - ation, - ee. - ry, - or - ance, ic are productive suffixes re-, un-non-, anti - etc are productive prefixes.
Non-productive affixes are those which are not used to form new words in Modern English. Ex, - ard, - cy, - ive, - en, - dom, - ship, - ful, - en, - ify etc are not productive suffixes; in, ir (im-), mis - dis-, are non-productive prefixes. These affixes may occur in a great number of words but if they are not used to form new words in Modern English they are not productive.
But recent investigations prove that there are no productive and non-productive affixes because each affix plays a certain role in wordformation. There are only affixes with different degrees of productivity, besides that productivity of affixes should not be mixed up with their frequency of occurence in speech. Frequency of affixes is characterised by the occurence of an affix in a great number of words. But productivity is the ability of a given suffix or prefix to make new words. An affix may be frequent but not productive, ex, the suffix «-ive» is very frequent but non-productive.
Some linguists distinguish between two types of prefixes:
1) those which are like functional words (such as prepositions or adverbs) (ex. out-, over-, up - .)
2) those which are not correlated with any independent words, (ex. un-, dis-, re-, mis-, etc).
Prefixes out-, over-, up-, under-, etc are considered as semibound morphemes. However, this view is doubtful because these prefixes are quite frequent in speech and like other derivational affixes have a generalized meaning. They have no grammatical meaning like the independent words. We think they are bound morphemes and should be regarded as homonyms of the corresponding independent words, ex. the prefix «out-» in outdoor, outcome, outbreak etc is homonymous to the preposition «out» in «out of door» and the adverb «out» in «He went out».
Prefixes and suffixes may be classified according to their meaning.
1) prefixes of negative meaning such as; de-, non-, un - in-, ir-, il-, im-, dis - (ex. defeat, decentralize, disappear, impossible, discomfort etc); 2) prefixes, denoting space and time relations: after, under-, for-, pre-, post-, over-, super - (ex, prehistory, postposition, superstructure, overspread, after¬noon, forefather); 3) prefixes denoting relation of an action such as: re - (ex. reread, remake).
Like prefixes the suffixes are also classified according to their meaning:
1) the agent suffixes: - er, - or, - ist, - ee etc. (baker, sailor, typist, employee); 2) appurtenance: - an, - ian, - ese (Arabian, Russian, Chinese, Japanese); 3) collectivity: - age, - dom, - hood, - ery (peasantry, marriage, kingdom, childhood); 4) dimi-nutiveness: - let, - ock, - ie etc (birdie, cloudlet, hillock); 5) quan-titativeness1: - ful, - ous, - y, - ive, - ly, - some.
Suffixes may be divided into different groups according to what part of speech they form:
1) noun - forming, i. e. those which are form nouns: - er, - dom, - ness, - ation, - ity, - age, - ance. - ence, - ist, - hood, - ship, - ment etc; 2) adjective-forming: - able/, - ible/. - uble, - al, - ian, - ese, - ate, - ed, - ful, - ive, - ous, - y etc; 3) numeral-forming: - teen, - th, - ty etc; 4) verb-forming: - ate, - en, - ify, - ize etc.; 5) adverb-forming: - ly, - ward, - wise etc.
Suffixes may be added to the stem of different parts of speech. According to this point of view they may be:
1) those added to verbs: - er, - ing, - ment, - able; 2) those added to nouns: - less, - ish, - ful, - ist, some etc; 3) those added to adjectives: - en, - ly, - ish, - ness etc.
Suffixes are also classified according to their stylistic reference: 1) suffixes, which characterize neutral stylistic reference: - able, - er, - ing (ex. dancer, understandable (helping); 2) suffixes which characterize a certain stylistic reference:
- oid, - form, - tron etc (astroid, rhomboid, cruciform, cyclo¬tron etc).
1. Ginsburg R.S. et al. A Course in Modern English Lexicology. M., 1979 pp.72-82
2. Buranov, Muminov Readings on Modern English Lexicology T. O'qituvchi 1985 pp. 34-47
3. Arnold I.V. The English Word M. High School 1986 pp. 143-149
4. O. Jespersen. Linguistics. London, 1983, pp. 395-412
5. Jespersen, Otto. Growth and Structure of the English Language. Oxford, 1982 pp. 246-249
5. The Concise Oxford Dictionary of Current English. Oxford 1964. pp. 147, 167, V.D. Arakin English Russian Dictionary M. Russky Yazyk 1978 pp. 23-24, 117-119, 133-134
7. Abayev V.I. Homonyms T. O'qituvchi 1981 pp. 4-5, 8, 26-29
8. Smirnitsky A.I. Homonyms in English M.1977 pp.57-59, 89-90
9. Dubenets E.M. Modern English Lexicology (Course of Lectures) M., Moscow State Teacher Training University Publishers 2004 pp. 17-31
10. Akhmanova O.S. Lexicology: Theory and Method. M. 1972 pp. 59-66
12. Burchfield R.W. The English Language. Lnd. 1985 pp. 45-47
13. Canon G. Historical Changes and English Wordformation: New Vocabulary items. N.Y., 1986. p. 284
14. Howard Ph. New words for Old. Lnd., 1980. p. 311
15. Sheard, John. The Words we Use. N.Y., 1954.p. 3
16. Maurer D.W., High F.C. New Words - Where do they come from and where do they go. American Speech. 1982.p. 171
17. Aпресян Ю.Д. Лексическая семантика. Омонимические средства языка. М. 1974. с. 46
18. Беляева Т.М., Потапова И.А. Английский язык за пределами Англии. Л. Изд-во ЛГУ 1971 С. 150-151
19. Арнольд И.В. Лексикология современного английского языка. М. Высшая школа 1959. с. 212-224
20. Виноградов В.В. Лексикология и лексикография. Избранные труды. М. 1977 с. 119-122
21. Bloomsbury Dictionary of New Words. M. 1996 с. 276-278
22. Hornby The Advanced Learner's Dictionary of Current English. Lnd. 1974 с. 92-93, 111
23. Longman Lexicon of Contemporary English. Longman. 1981 pp. 23-25
24. Трофимова З.C. Dictionary of New Words and New Meanings. 'Павлин', 1993.
25. World Book Encyclopedia NY Vol 8 1993 p. 321
26 Internet:
27. Internet: http://www philology/ Э.М. Дубенец. Курс лекций и планы семинарских занятий по лексикологии английского языка

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