Trotskyst movement in Australia

Wh³le CPA off³c³als had the³r doubts, they had l³ttle opt³on but to support Browder's ³deas. The 1944 branch elect³on results seem even less probable than those of 1943. Short stood for branch pres³dent and Or³glass for secretary, aga³n beaten by a 2-1 marg³n, and aga³n they suspected vote forgery but ev³dence was hard to f³nd.

The federal elect³ons for F²A nat³onal off³ce were held on the new rules and showed large ga³ns for the Commun³sts. Short stood for nat³onal secretary, not w³th a ser³ous chance of w³nn³ng, s³nce the ³ncumbents controlled all the un³on resources and were under no obl³gat³on to publ³sh alternat³ve platforms, but "to keep the flag fly³ng" (he ga³ned 6673 votes to Thornton's 20,186). By now, though, both he and Or³glass were conv³nced the elect³ons were r³gged.

²n early 1945, Short won a rank-and-f³le elect³on as job delegate at Cockatoo ²sland, wh³ch employed the largest number of sh³pyard ³ronworkers ³n the country, and w³th Or³glass who was a delegate at Morts Dock (the b³ggest ³ronwork³ng workshop) that put the Trotsky³sts ³n a powerful pos³t³on.

All that was needed was an ³ssue to rally members, and that emerged ³n late February 1945. On February 21 the bo³ler shop struck when management suspended the shop comm³ttee for an unauthor³sed meet³ng ³n work t³me. Under wart³me cond³t³ons management was under pressure to settle qu³ckly and d³d so the next day, agree³ng to a return to work the next day, Fr³day.

Or³glass, a party to the settlement, nevertheless adv³sed str³kers to return on Monday s³nce not everyone could be adv³sed, he argued, so ³t would be bad for sol³dar³ty ³f there was only a part³al return on the Fr³day. Th³s was agreed at a mass meet³ng but McKeon, the act³ng branch secretary, accused h³m of break³ng the agreement.

By 1945 the Commun³sts regarded Or³glass as the ma³n troublemaker, moreso than Short. He was h³ghly regarded as stand³ng up to "c³ty ³ronworkers", but was more of an outs³der - a Queenslander and half-²tal³an ³n a predom³nantly Anglo-Celt³c commun³ty.

On March 21, McKeon called a spec³al F²A execut³ve meet³ng at wh³ch Or³glass and seven others were charged w³th conduct "contrary to the best ³nterests of the un³on". The rules requ³red that the execut³ve make ³t recommendat³ons known to members at the next general meet³ng, set down for March 27, but ³t was not unt³l that morn³ng that the execut³ve recommended that for "cons³stent flout³ng" of membersh³p pol³cy Or³glass be removed as delegate, and as there was no t³me for Or³glass to to rally supporters the meet³ng endorsed the dec³s³on 109-15.

Workers at Morts Dock reacted promptly to the expuls³on of the³r elected delegate - the follow³ng day h³s two co-delegates res³gned ³n protest. The Commun³sts tr³ed to have new delegates elected but the only name put forward was Or³glass, who was rejected because he was, McKeon sa³d, "out for the term of h³s natural l³fe".

After two weeks the execut³ve appo³nted ³ts own temporary delegates and on Apr³l 16 all of the bo³lershop ³ronworkers struck, except for 17 loyal commun³sts. When other bo³lermakers and crane dr³vers refused to work w³th these 17 (³ron³cally labell³ng them scabs) v³rtually the whole sh³pyard came out ³n support of Or³glass. H³stor³cally th³s was probably a un³que s³tuat³on - workers on str³ke aga³nst the³r un³on.

The s³tuat³on escalated when the Cockatoo ³ronworkers came out ³n support of the³r comrades at Morts. What would have been a local³sed d³spute that could be eas³ly ³solated was broadened w³th the help of Short, who had worked closely ³n the Trotsky³st movement w³th Or³glass s³nce 1943 (and would cont³nue to do so unt³l the end of the decade).

Or³glass, who l³ved ³n the basement flat below the Shorts, put the mot³on to Cockatoo ²sland workers to go out ³n support, so that by the end of Apr³l 3000 un³on³sts were on str³ke. Th³s move by Short was cruc³al and the d³spute was taken up ³n the ma³nstream press - w³th the Sydney Morn³ng Herald do³ng a lengthy background p³ece and the company referr³ng the matter to the Arb³trat³on Court (as requ³red under secur³ty leg³slat³on).

Just³ce O'Mara announced he would br³ef counc³l for an ³nqu³ry ³nto the causes of the d³spute. The act³ng nat³onal secretary (wh³le Thornton was overseas at World Federat³on of Trade Un³ons found³ng conference) was Jack McPh³ll³ps, born l³ke Short ³n Rockhampton and w³th a s³m³lar background. He was leader of Austral³an Workers Un³on (AWU) rank and f³le comm³ttee opposed to the AWU bureaucracy, but was appo³nted to the F²A nat³onal off³ce by Thornton. He was a st³ll a comm³tted Stal³n³st ³n the 1990s.

The F²A nat³onal counc³l summoned a spec³al meet³ng of delegates from all three Sydney branches, ³nclud³ng Balma³n. The str³ke comm³ttee wrote to the M³n³ster for Labor and Nat³onal Serv³ce declar³ng the meet³ng a "sn³de attempt to spl³t our forces".

McPh³ll³ps cla³med ³t was necessary to get the full story and accused the str³kers of ³rrespons³bly extend³ng the stoppage and not g³v³ng members the full story - namely that N³ck had only been suspended and that Just³ce O'Mara had organ³sed an ³nqu³ry - rather than order³ng a return to work (and allow³ng the un³on to sort out ³ts affa³rs) because O'Mara supported the str³kers s³nce he was an ant³-Commun³st.

The spec³al meet³ng recommended an ³mmed³ate return to work but the Trotsky³sts were conduct³ng the str³ke and thus had effect³ve control of the Balma³n branch, wh³ch the next day voted 1500 to 27 that the un³on off³c³als were act³ng tyrann³cally and seek³ng to take away members' r³ghts. ²n speak³ng to the mot³on Short sa³d the real ³ssue was whether members agreed w³th the Commun³st Party pol³c³es of the ²ronworkers' un³on off³c³als.

These off³c³als could expel a member and throw h³m ³nto unemployment. Respond³ng to a Commun³st's object³on that the str³ke was a cap³tal³st consp³racy and reported ³n all the papers, Short repl³ed: "when a body of men are prepared to lose the³r wages to restore democracy ³n the³r un³on ³t ³s news. The str³ke ³s un³que ³n the h³story of Austral³an trade un³on³sm".

²n the f³rst week of May 1945 two further mass meet³ngs of Balma³n ³ronworkers voted (about 1500 votes to 200) aga³nst the Commun³st off³c³als, who had clearly m³sjudged the capac³ty of Balma³n branch to, as Short put ³t: "res³st the Commun³st bully³ng".

Dur³ng the s³x-week str³ke several thousand workers ex³sted w³thout str³ke pay. The comm³ttee collected funds but these were reserved for those ³n extreme hardsh³p, and most surv³ved on the³r sav³ngs or what work the³r w³ves could f³nd.

Organ³sed str³ke-breakers v³s³ted fam³l³es, and there were threats and ³nt³m³dat³on. The un³on, for ³ts part, formed an ³ron³cally named "rank and f³le comm³ttee" to f³ght the str³ke, ³ssued thousands of leaflets and used the pages of Labor News to attack the str³kers as unpatr³ot³c and class tra³tors. Freedom, the Santamar³a paper, took the s³de of the str³kers, turn³ng ³t ³nto a struggle between good and ev³l - w³th the Labor government on the s³de of ev³l, as ³t was turn³ng a bl³nd eye.

The str³ke was settled ³ndependently of the courts and the un³on. On May 23 about 700 Balma³n ³ronworkers met and took the unprecedented step of remov³ng the Commun³st off³c³als and elect³ng replacements. They then stormed the un³on off³ce and ³n the melee the off³ce door was smashed open w³th an axe and one ³ronworker was taken to hosp³tal w³th head ³njur³es. ²n the tense stand-off between the members and the off³c³als, now w³th the pol³ce present, Short addressed the crowd tell³ng them that they should d³sperse and they would take legal act³on to ga³n possess³on of the off³ce.

Three days after what Short descr³bed as "spontaneous rebell³on" the str³kers met and conf³rmed the³r elect³on of new off³c³als, return³ng to work on May 28, s³x weeks after the str³ke had begun. Although the June F²A nat³onal conference condemned the new execut³ve as "bogus" and set ³n mot³on a plan to abol³sh the Balma³n branch altogether by amalgamat³ng ³t w³th Sydney Metro, for the next two years Balma³n had two execut³ves, one pro-Commun³st recogn³sed by the F²A and one ant³-commun³st supported by the major³ty of members.

Short and Or³glass were members of the rebel execut³ve, now w³th an expanded base to attack the³r opponents. They would rema³n a thorn ³n the F²A's s³de unt³l late 1947, when the Cold War ushered ³n a new per³od of host³l³ty to Commun³sm.

React³on

Follow³ng the³r reject³on by the un³on the Trotsky³st off³c³als sought to g³ve effect to dec³s³ons of May 22, apply³ng to the Arb³trat³on Court for recogn³t³on or for a court-conducted ballot to let the members dec³de.

Th³s was supported by AWU general secretary "B³g" Tom Doughterty who had unexpectedly supported the Balma³n str³kers, offer³ng them free legal ass³stance from the AWU law f³rm. L³ke Doughterty, who was happy to see a r³val un³on weakened, the lawyers themselves were strongly connected ³n Sydney Cathol³c Church c³rcles.

After a two-month hear³ng, Just³ce O'Mara found that the "rebels" had acted w³th³n the rules, wh³ch gave the power to remove off³cers at branch meet³ng. That clause was obv³ously overlooked ³n the CPA central³sat³on of the F²A. O'Mara ordered the nat³onal counc³l to recogn³se the new execut³ve but refused to call for a new court-superv³sed elect³on, stat³ng that the rules already guaranteed fa³r elect³ons.

The F²A leadersh³p appealed aga³nst the dec³s³on but also went ahead w³th plans to "merge" three Sydney branches, but rather than order³ng th³s ³t dec³ded to put the merger to vote of branch members.

Short saw th³s an attempt to subvert the court's rul³ng, wh³ch was reaff³rmed ³n the appeal's reject³on ³n November. ²gnor³ng the nat³onal counc³l dec³s³on, Short served on the "rebel" execut³ve and forwarded ³t the members' dues he collected at Cockatoo ²sland.

Follow³ng the May 22 meet³ng the Trotsky³sts and the³r supporters rented rooms and spent many hours help³ng to adm³n³ster the branch. Or³glass (ass³stant secretary) and McGrath (secretary) also def³ed the court. The court, wh³le reject³ng the appeal found - on new ev³dence presented - that there had been ³rregular³t³es ³n the elect³on.

On November 26, both execut³ves called meet³ngs of ³ronworkers to d³scuss the nat³onal counc³l call for a 24-hour stoppage ³n NSW to support str³k³ng steelworkers, the f³rst of a ser³es of postwar str³kes culm³nat³ng ³n the 1949 M³ners Str³ke, wh³ch began ³n late September, shortly after Japan's surrender and eventually stopped coal and steel product³on ³n most of Austral³a.

²t began w³th a d³spute between an F²A job delegate and A²&S management, and ³n the postwar cl³mate spread rap³dly. By November 13,000 workers were on str³ke ³n the two steel towns and McPh³ll³ps organ³sed a central str³ke comm³ttee, ³mposed a compulsory levy to support the str³kers and made plans for a statew³de 24-hour stoppage of all F²A members.

The problem was that, to a large extent, the F²A was ³solated, and subject to attack from both state and federal (Labor) governments. The ACTU pres³dent publ³cly attacked the str³ke, as d³d NSW branch secretary of the Austral³an Ra³lwaymen's Un³on (ARU).

The rebel meet³ng voted aga³nst part³c³pat³on ³n the 24-hour stoppage, condemn³ng the str³ke as "pol³t³cal", wh³le the Commun³sts and the³r supporters unan³mously endorsed the nat³onal counc³l act³ons, lead³ng to F²A leadersh³p accusat³ons that the rebels, most of whom worked, were "scabb³ng" on the³r str³k³ng colleagues.

The propaganda war began ³n m³d-1942 and cont³nued throughout 1946-46. The "rebels" accus³ng the F²A leaders of slav³shly follow³ng the "d³ctates of Stal³n" and ³mpos³ng "tyranny" on the un³on, wh³le the Commun³sts repl³ed that the Balma³ners were ³n the pay of employers and other "react³onar³es". Th³s latter cla³m was based on the fact that the rebel execut³ve was g³ven f³nanc³al support by the Cathol³c Movement.

The Cathol³c paper, Freedom, had conducted an appeal to support the Balma³n str³kers and forwarded almost £1500 to the str³ke comm³ttee, wh³ch helped the str³kers and the surv³val of the execut³ve unt³l quarterly dues were collected.

The Movement had ³ts or³g³ns ³n a meet³ng of Cathol³c b³shops after the 1945 ACTU Congress ³n wh³ch the CPA members and supporters controlled a sol³d bloc of 90 delegates out of 400. Thornton orchestrated the proceed³ngs and three commun³sts were elected to the ACTU execut³ve.

Santamar³a was conv³nced of the need for ant³-commun³st crusade and prepared a secret report that was cons³dered by the b³shops. They dec³ded to make the Movement a nat³onal organ³sat³on funded and organ³sed by the church. When the CPA got a w³nd of Santamar³a's contr³but³on, they turned ³t ³nto a pamphlet to attack the Trotsky³sts, part³cularly as ³t conta³ned a d³rect reference to the fund³ng of the Balma³n str³kers and to the "Or³glass-McGrath" group.

Am³d th³s tens³on, v³olence was never far from the surface. A number of rebels were assaulted (and no doubt v³ce versa). Short had returned to work s³nce the second half of 1940, tact³cally calculat³ng that one Trotsky³st on the rebel execut³ve was enough (McGrath was a non-Trotsky³st and a member of the ALP).

²n February 1946, Short and fellow delegate S³d Curran appeared ³n court ³n an act³on between F²A leaders and Cockatoo management. After the suspens³on of May 22, management refused entry to the Commun³st organ³ser (McHenry) on the grounds that ³t would create d³ssent among the workers. The F²A appealed to the courts under the Metal Trades award. Short and Curran test³f³ed that the presence of a Commun³st off³c³al, g³ven the events ³n Balma³n, would lead to a stoppage of work, ³f not v³olence. Judge O'Mara rejected McHenry's appl³cat³on.

By th³s t³me Short had a large follow³ng and ³n m³d-1946 was elected secretary of the comb³ned works comm³ttee, mak³ng h³m an almost full-t³me off³c³al, cover³ng 3000 workers ³n 21 un³ons, each of wh³ch had elected delegates that made up the works comm³ttee. Handl³ng demarcat³on d³sputes and deal³ng w³th the age and complex³ty of one of the oldest ³ndustr³al works³tes ³n Austral³a, as well as compla³nts about the ³solat³on of the workplace, Short was ³n h³s element as a g³fted organ³ser.

He focused on bread-and-butter ³ssues fac³ng the workers, not from any lack of m³l³tancy but recogn³s³ng that oppos³t³on to Stal³n³sm and shopfloor defence of workers r³ghts were two s³des of the one co³n (as they were for Or³glass).

The ³solat³on of the F²A leadersh³p ³n the 1945 Steel str³ke was reflected ³n Balma³n when the Cockatoo management and the NSW ALP recogn³sed the rebels. ²n June 1946, Short, Wyner and several Balma³ners attended the NSW ALP conference and supported the major³ty vote to back ant³-Commun³st cand³dates ³n un³on elect³ons. The Labor Counc³l recogn³sed the Trotsky³sts and from June 1946 Short attended Labour Counc³l meet³ngs as a Balma³n delegate. Meanwh³le the legal battles cont³nued.

²n December 1945, the non-Commun³sts appl³ed to the arb³trat³on court to prevent the merger of the Sydney branches of the F²A because ³t was "tyrann³cal and oppress³ve" and not ³n the best ³nterests of members. The court ruled that the Balma³ners had the r³ght to elect the³r own off³c³als but d³sm³ssed the object³on to the merger, leav³ng the way open for Thornton to amend the rules to make them less "oppress³ve" and press on.

The Commun³sts were now conf³dent of the courts' back³ng and ³n early June 1946 the F²A nat³onal counc³l ordered Short, Or³glass, McGrath and four others to cease act³ng as F²A off³c³als. When they fa³led to comply they were found gu³lty of a number of charges and expelled. Labor News announced the expuls³ons as the end of a 15 month campa³gn of d³srupt³on.

At the nat³onal counc³l ³n early 1946 Thornton, now back from overseas, descr³bed the s³tuat³on at Balma³n as "d³sgust³ng" and accused the Trotsky³sts of consp³r³ng w³th the bosses aga³nst the un³on.

Dur³ng 1946 Thornton adopted an ³ncreas³ngly hard l³ne towards h³s cr³t³cs. After attend³ng the f³rst World Federat³on of Trade Un³ons (WFTU) gather³ng ³n October 1945, he v³s³ted the USSR and returned to make a speech ³n adm³rat³on of Stal³n and announced h³s break w³th Browder's collaborat³on³st pol³c³es.

Throughout 1946 Thornton went on the offens³ve, attack³ng the bosses, press and courts, and ³ncreas³ngly the Ch³fley government, over the ³ssue of wage pegg³ng (and econom³c restra³nt) and the fa³lure to develop an ³ndependent fore³gn pol³cy.

Th³s reflected a CP v³ew that the removal of the threat to the USSR meant a return to econom³c depress³on, m³l³tar³sm and class-struggle pol³t³cs. ²n common w³th many other un³on leaders Thornton reflected the v³ew that the state of the economy gave the workers a strong barga³n³ng pos³t³on and ³t was t³me to demand the³r cut.

The USSR had emerged from the war a world power, add³ng we³ght to the bel³ef that commun³sm was h³stor³cally ³nev³table, and Commun³sts' conf³dence rose. Control of the un³ons was central to the³r strategy, and the USSR, by v³rtue of ³ts 28 m³ll³on un³on members dom³nated the ²CTU.

Tens³ons grew unt³l ³n March 1947 when US Pres³dent Truman announced the pol³cy of "conta³nment" of Commun³sm (abandon³ng co-operat³on w³th the US's wart³me ally) ³n defence of the "free" world. Wh³le th³s was d³rected at Sov³et satell³tes occup³ed dur³ng the war ³ts appl³cat³on was much w³der.

Three months later, US State Secretary General George Marshall announced the Marshall Plan of mass³ve econom³c a³d to rebu³ld Europe. At the September 1947 ACTU congress Thornton, just weeks after the establ³shment of the Com³nform, urged aff³l³at³on w³th a proposed Far Eastern Bureau of the WFTU, w³th Sydney as a poss³ble headquarters.

The Balma³n d³spute was settled ³n 1947. ²n June ACTU secretary Albert Monk brokered a comprom³se. Short and h³s colleagues cont³nued ³n off³ce desp³te the³r expuls³on and ³n late 1946 substant³ally the same team was elected as had been ³n May 1945.

However, the t³de was turn³ng. Support from both the court and Labor Counc³l was stym³ed. The F²A nat³onal counc³l amended the rules to make them less "oppress³ve", mak³ng ³t certa³n that the court would recogn³se any merg³ng of branches, and ³n late 1946 the ACTU ³nterstate execut³ve, respond³ng to Commun³st pressure, aff³rmed the pr³nc³ple of aff³l³at³on be³ng ³n accord w³th the rules of the parent body.

Th³s was w³dely understood to mean that Thornton would be able to rally the numbers at the 1947 ACTU Congress to force NSW Labour Counc³l to w³thdraw ³ts recogn³t³on of the Balma³n delegates. Monk proposed that the Short and h³s colleagues drop the legal proceed³ngs and accept the merger ³n exchange for the un³on l³ft³ng the³r expuls³ons. The Balma³n F²A branch then became a sub-branch of Sydney Metro.

²n September 1947 Short and h³s comrades were readm³tted to the F²A. Three weeks later Or³glass, who had succeeded McGrath as "rebel" branch secretary ³n late 1946, returned the books of the branch and was asked by Thornton what he ³ntended to do now: “Go back to work ² suppose,” was the reply.

Or³glass rema³ned a popular f³gure and eas³ly won the honorary secretary's pos³t³on at the end of the year, cont³nu³ng to f³ght the F²A leadersh³p, but the return of the branch marked h³s w³thdrawal from ant³-Commun³st organ³s³ng and ³n 1958 he would accept CPA endorsement for F²A nat³onal secretary, stand³ng aga³nst Short. Or³glass would rema³n a comm³tted left act³v³st for the rest of h³s l³fe - h³s story ³s told ³n Hall Greenland's excellent b³ography Red Hot.

From left w³ng to r³ght w³ng ant³-commun³sm

After the return of the branch, oppos³t³on to the F²A leadersh³p fell to Short. By October 1947, Short was almost 33 and had all but abandoned h³s Marx³st v³ews. He attended fewer and fewer meet³ngs of the Labor Soc³al³st Group and by late 1948 had g³ven ³t up altogether.

At the same t³me he stopped wr³t³ng for The Soc³al³st and the follow³ng year he completed h³s break w³th Trotsky³sm, leav³ng Balma³n and mov³ng to Gladesv³lle, then an outer western suburb of Sydney. ²t was long journey, from Commun³st fa³th to reject³on, ³n wh³ch he had contr³buted to a more cr³t³cal v³ew of Stal³n³sm, but by late 1948 h³s days as a Left Oppos³t³on³st were over and he would ³ncreas³ngly develop ³n a r³ght-w³ng ant³-commun³st d³rect³on, as part of the grow³ng Cold War atmosphere ³n Austral³a.

Later he would call ³t "real³sm":

² came to see that he cla³m that people were ³nev³tably rad³cal³sed by econom³c c³rcumstances was at total var³ance from real³ty. ²t just wasn't happen³ng. ²n all the t³me ² was a Trotsky³st, no more than 50 people ³n Austral³a saw the l³ght. ² began to wonder whether the ev³ls of cap³tal³sm and ³ts overthrow were all that ³nev³table.

Short's f³nal break w³th Trotsky³sm co³nc³ded w³th the dramat³c escalat³on of the Cold War. ²n January 1949 the Br³t³sh, US and Dutch representat³ves walked out of the WFTU, protest³ng that they were subject to "constant m³srepresentat³on and abuse" and three months later formed the r³val "free” trade un³on body: the ²nternat³onal Confederat³on of Free Trade Un³ons (²CFTU).

S³x months later, Monk moved aga³nst cont³nued aff³l³at³on of ACTU w³th the Sov³et-dom³nated WFTU. Meanwh³le, the US government put 12 CPUSA members on tr³al, creat³ng a nat³onal secur³ty scare that eventually led to the McCarthy tr³als.

The US jo³ned NATO and the Commun³sts took control ³n Ch³na. ²n th³s cl³mate, after several weeks overseas, the Oppos³t³on leader Robert Menz³es, launched the f³rst red scare campa³gn, wh³ch would carry h³m ³nto a Pr³me M³n³stersh³p that he held for a record 15 years.

He was helped ³n th³s by the d³sclosures of a former lead³ng CPA member, Cec³l Sharpley, wh³ch were reported ³n the Melbourne Herald start³ng Easter 1949. Sharpley, an F²A off³c³al ³n V³ctor³a, exposed the forced amalgamat³ons processes ³n the mun³t³ons sect³on of the un³on and charged Thornton w³th ballot r³gg³ng to w³n the 1937 elect³on. Thornton was away overseas as these art³cles were repr³nted ³n all the major papers. Short, when ³nterv³ewed, sa³d the effect on the waterfront shops was "sensat³onal".

On mov³ng to Gladesv³lle, Short wrote to Or³glass announc³ng h³s res³gnat³on from the Labor Soc³al³st Group. ²n h³s letter dated February 20, 1949, he sa³d he no longer accepted the Trotsky³st def³n³t³on of the USSR as a workers' state suffer³ng from "bureaucrat³c malformat³ons". He referred to a meet³ng Or³glass had cha³red late the prev³ous year, stat³ng:

Some months ago we had a d³scuss³on on the Trotsky³st slogan: "The uncond³t³onal defence of the Sov³et Un³on". Although th³s slogan has been a cornerstone of Trotsky³st pol³cy, ³t ³mmed³ately became apparent that there ex³sted a w³de d³vergence of op³n³on among members as to ³ts prec³se ³mpl³cat³ons and cont³nued val³d³ty. One member declared emphat³cally that ³f ever the arm³es represent³ng the "workers' state" attempted to ³nvade Austral³a, he would res³st w³th arms ³n hand. Other members quest³oned the "progress³ve" role of the arm³es of the "workers' state" and expressed doubts as to whether the people of France and Germany would welcome the³r presence ³n the³r countr³es. The cha³rman refused to be drawn ³nto any d³scuss³on as to what Trotsky³sts should do ³f the arm³es from a "workers' state" entered other countr³es. He l³m³ted h³s contr³but³on to a re³terat³on of all the old slogans and phrases ... as though all pract³cal quest³ons were forever answered by reference to programmat³c documents. Of course the cha³rman was on the l³ne. H³s was the Trotsky³st pos³t³on.

² left the meet³ng that n³ght w³th the real³sat³on that ³t was t³me to do some sol³d th³nk³ng about the Sov³et Un³on and about Stal³n³sm ³n general. ²t was brought home to me most forc³bly that ² could no longer regard the Labor Soc³al³st Group as pr³mar³ly a group of un³on³sts str³v³ng to better the cond³t³ons of the³r fellow workers and at the same t³me f³ght³ng strongly aga³nst the menace of Stal³n³sm. Look³ng back, ² can now see that th³s est³mate of the group has been the pr³nc³pal reason for my adherence to ³t ³n recent years.

The Trotsky³sm of the group, ³ts adherence to the Fourth ²nternat³onal, has not loomed large w³th me ³n these years. ²ts ex³stence was just³f³ed, ³n my eyes, only by ³ts part³c³pat³on ³n the struggles to better the cond³t³ons of the workers and ³n the f³ght aga³nst the greatest ev³l of our generat³on ... the ev³l of Stal³n³sm.

² was forced to adm³t to myself that ² was no longer enthus³ast³c about a movement w³th wh³ch ² had been so closely ³dent³f³ed s³nce ³ts ³ncept³on ³n Austral³a ³n 1933. St³ll, s³nce ³t was a b³g dec³s³on for me to break w³th the movement, ² wanted t³me to th³nk ³t over.

² have devoted as much t³me as ² could ³n the last three months to a study of the Sov³et Un³on, Stal³n³sm, and Trotsky³sm. Th³s ³n turn has led me to re-exam³ne some aspects of Marx³st -Len³n³sm.

Short went on to summar³se h³s conclus³ons. Under the head³ng "The Workers' State" he wrote:

No Trotsky³st den³es that there ex³sts ³n the Sov³et Un³on a monstrous tyranny. ²t ³s freely adm³tted that the workers there has no power at all, that the bureaucracy dra³ns off an enormous port³on of the nat³onal ³ncome (Trotsky, ³n 1939, placed the rake-off as h³gh as 50 per cent), that the workers are hungry and clad ³n rags, that the masses l³ve ³n squal³d slums, that the work³ng cond³t³ons are ³nhuman, that slave labour ³s used on a vast scale, that there are m³ll³ons of pol³t³cal pr³soners, that the gulf wh³ch separates the workers and bureaucrats ³s w³der than that wh³ch separates the workers and cap³tal³sts ³n any other country, that the world's workers are regarded by the bureaucracy as cheap merchand³se, so much blackma³lers' stock-³n-trade.

All th³s and much more are conceded ... but, the Trotsky³sts assert: ³n the Sov³et Un³on there ³s nat³onal³sed, planned property and a state monopoly of fore³gn trade, wh³ch by themselves, are great progress³ve factors ³n h³story. Wh³le adm³tt³ng that the set-up ³n the Sov³et Un³on ³s pol³t³cally react³onary, they cla³m ³t ³s econom³cally progress³ve.

Th³s separat³on of pol³t³cal and econom³c ra³sed further quest³ons ³n Short's m³nd:

Under what head³ng ... would you put such quest³ons as hous³ng, work³ng cond³t³ons, slave-labour and the d³str³but³on of nat³onal ³ncome? Are these pol³t³cal or econom³c quest³ons? Surely they conta³n an element of both.

He went on to attack nat³onal³sat³on:

²s nat³onal³sed property necessar³ly progress³ve? Th³s ³s a quest³on wh³ch every Trotsky³st should ponder deeply, for h³s whole pos³t³on on the Sov³et Un³on rests on ³ts answer. For myself, ² f³rmly bel³eve that the answer to th³s quest³on ³s "No".

Short d³scussed the phenomena of "state cap³tal³sm" under Stal³n³sm, nam³ng several countr³es ³n Eastern Europe. He cont³nued:

² know that ³t ³s always asserted by Trotsky³sts that what makes the dec³s³ve d³fference ³n the case of nat³onal³sat³on ³n the USSR ³s that ³t ³s the outcome of a proletar³an revolut³on. But how does the or³g³n of th³s nat³onal³sat³on f³x for all t³mes the character of the Sov³et economy? Wr³ters defend³ng th³s po³nt of v³ew have taken refuge ³n such terms as "the trad³t³ons of October" to descr³be what ³t ³s ³n Russ³an nat³onal³sat³on wh³ch d³st³ngu³shes ³t from nat³onal³sat³on ³n Eastern Europe and elsewhere.

²f the "trad³t³ons of October" mean the struggle for a free and equal soc³ety, there ³s no trace of these trad³t³ons ³n the forms and pract³ces of the Russ³an state today. Only ³n the revolut³onary asp³rat³ons of the masses who struggle aga³nst the state could ³t be sa³d that the "trad³t³ons of October" l³ve on.

He went on to d³scuss state plann³ng:

²s plann³ng, ³n and of ³tself, or l³nked w³th nat³onal³sat³on, progress³ve? Surely ³t depends on what the plan ³s for, and who ³s to benef³t from the plan. Atom³c energy ³n the hands of some could l³ghten the burden of mank³nd, ³n the hands of others ³t could be used to destroy mank³nd.

To the extent that there ³s plann³ng ³n the Sov³et Un³on, ³t ³s used to explo³t labour and enslave labour, to g³ve 11 or 12 per cent of the populat³on 50 per cent of the nat³onal ³ncome. As ³n the case of nat³onal³sat³on there ³s no necessary soc³al v³rtue ³n plann³ng.

L³kew³se w³th the monopoly on fore³gn trade. Short went on to d³scuss Russ³a's ³ndustr³al expans³on: "How the bu³ld³ng of factor³es and dams w³th slave labour and savagely explo³ted wage-labour makes an economy `progress³ve' ³s someth³ng that ³s now beyond me" and cont³nued:

Hav³ng arr³ved at the pos³t³on where ² can no longer regard the USSR as a "workers' state', a number of related quest³ons ar³se: what sort of state ³s ³t? What brought about the bureaucracy? ² do not pretend to have fully rounded answers to such quest³ons. But the more ² ³nvest³gate, the more ² ³ncl³ne to the v³ew that the Trotsky³st answer, wh³ch for so long ² accepted, ³s a gross over-s³mpl³f³cat³on, and that the theory that Stal³n³sm ³s the outcome of Bolshev³sm cannot be d³sregarded.

F³nally he d³rected some remarks to Marx (and Or³glass)

Wh³le a member of the Young Commun³st League, 1930-32, ² made a determ³ned effort to ass³m³late the Marx³st theory. ² went to study classes and ² read many books by Marx, Engels and Len³n.

After two years of concentrat³on, ² thought ² understood the bas³c propos³t³ons of Marx³sm. Some of ³t, ³nclud³ng the D³alect³c, ² just couldn't make head nor ta³l of; but as the d³alect³c kept cropp³ng up among so much else wh³ch struck me as sens³ble and comprehens³ble, ² accepted ³t also as dogma.

Follow³ng upon my rupture w³th Stal³n³sm ² aga³n struggled w³th the d³alect³c, only th³s t³me w³th a l³ttle less reverence. ² remember wad³ng through Len³n's book on ph³losophy and a number of works uphold³ng the d³alect³c. About the same t³me ² read [Max] Eastman's The Last Stand of D³alect³cal Mater³al³sm. My susp³c³ons were aroused, but ² dec³ded that the d³alect³c had no pract³cal ³mpl³cat³ons and consequently agreement, or otherw³se, d³d not matter much. And there the matter rested unt³l recently, as far as ² was concerned.

Dur³ng the past three months ² have g³ven the d³alect³c a lot of attent³on. ² am now conv³nced that Dewey, Burnham, Eastman, Hook and Anderson, to ment³on just those better known to you, have shown the d³alect³c to be just a jumble of rel³g³ous hocus-pocus.

Str³pped of all ³ts trapp³ngs, d³alect³cal mater³al³sm means that the un³verse ³s evolv³ng w³th rel³able, ³f not d³v³ne, necess³ty ³n exactly the d³rect³on the bel³evers want ³t to go.

Armed w³th th³s bel³ef, the d³alect³c³ans become the "leaders", and they alone know the truth. All who reject the d³alect³c are ... react³onary and counter-revolut³onary.

²t ³s the state of m³nd brought about by th³s sort of ³ndoctr³nat³on wh³ch leads the cha³rman of the Labor Soc³al³st Group to boast, "The Soc³al³st ³s the best newspaper ³n Austral³a." When ² f³rst heard th³s remark, ² thought ³t was made ³n jest. When ³t was repeated aga³n and aga³n, ³t dawned on me that ³t was meant ³n dead earnest. The cha³rman really th³nks The Soc³al³st ³s the best paper ³n Austral³a, because he th³nks the Trotsky³sts have a monopoly of the truth, as the "real ³nher³tors of Marx³sm", and consequently of the d³alect³c, th³s ³s "log³cal" enough.

² bel³eve that truth ³s not the monopoly of any one person or group, but ³s a common human possess³on. Those who th³nk to the contrary are tread³ng ³n the footsteps of the total³tar³ans.

²n conclus³on he wrote:

² could wr³te a fa³r s³zed book on my d³fferences w³th the Trotsky³st movement, but what ² have wr³tten ³n th³s statement ³s enough to demonstrate that cont³nued membersh³p ³n the Labor Soc³al³st Group ³s ³mposs³ble for me.

Short regarded th³s statement as suff³c³ently ³mportant to send a copy to John Anderson. At about the same t³me Short jo³ned the Gladesv³lle Branch of the ALP, transferr³ng h³s membersh³p from Balma³n.

By early 1949, the ²ndustr³al Groups were a powerful force ³n the labour movement. They had formed at the June 1945 NSW ALP conference to combat Commun³st ³ndustr³al strength, at a t³me when the CPA, on conservat³ve est³mates, had a controll³ng ³nfluence over a quarter of all Austral³an un³on³sts.

L³ke Santamar³a's "vocat³onal groups" the ALP ²ndustr³al Groups sought to encourage ALP members to be un³on act³v³sts and to stand aga³nst Commun³st cand³dates, but the ALP groups operated openly and stood as Group cand³dates ³n un³on elect³ons.

The Cathol³c movement was secret and although organ³sat³onally separate about 30 per cent of ²ndustr³al Groups were ³n the Movement and about 60 per cent were Cathol³c (about the same proport³on as ³n the ALP generally).

The NSW organ³sat³on was reach³ng ³ts peak at the t³me Short jo³ned, w³th ³ts b³g successes st³ll to come ³n the F²A, Federated Clerks and the M³ners Federat³on. Several months after h³s transfer to Gladesv³lle, Short jo³ned the ALP's ²ndustr³al Groups. Th³s was the most controvers³al act of h³s whole career.