Лингвистические средства речевого этикета в сфере делового общения (на материале русского и английского языка)

Нужно набраться терпения и выбрать правильный тон в диалоге, и выработать единую позицию всех шести государств, которые принимают участие в этом достаточно сложном переговорном процессе. Единство подходов - это очень важный залог общего успеха.

Л. Кинг: Вы разделяете озабоченность других государств, что Иран движется к тому, чтобы стать ядерной державой. Как Россия к этому относится?

В.В. Путин: Иранская ядерная программа реализуется уже в течение 20 лет, и в последнее время, в последние годы Иран так или иначе демонстрирует готовность к диалогу с международным сообществом и с МАГАТЭ. Да, мы знаем, что на первых этапах работы по программе есть вопросы, и поддерживаем МАГАТЭ в желании получить исчерпывающие ответы.

Вы не можете не знать, что мы озабочены любым проявлением распространения, даже любой возможностью, теоретической возможностью распространения оружия массового уничтожения. Это касается абсолютно всех государств, включая Иран. Вместе с тем, у нас нет оснований подозревать Иран в том, что он стремится к обладанию ядерным оружием. Но мы сотрудничаем со всеми нашими партнерами, в том числе и с Соединенными Штатами в рамках Организации Объединенных Наций. И, как вы знаете, до сих пор нам удавалось принимать согласованные решения. Наша позиция открыта, и Иран знает о ней. Мы и дальше будем сотрудничать со всеми участниками этого процесса до полного урегулирования этой проблемы. Я очень рассчитываю на то, что это урегулирование состоится. И мне кажется, что в этом заинтересованы не только соседи Ирана, Израиль, который очень опасается ядерных программ, другие участники этого процесса, но и сам Иран и иранский народ.

И не вижу здесь ничего предосудительного, не вижу ничего, ущемляющего интересы Ирана, если он максимально откроет все свои программы и удовлетворит законный интерес международной специализированной организации - МАГАТЭ к его работе. Я здесь не вижу ничего страшного, но в то же время продолжаю оставаться при мнении, что Иран имеет право на осуществление ядерных программ под контролем международных организаций.

Л. Кинг: Все озабочены новым соглашением. Медведев сказал, что будет новая гонка вооружения, если НАТО и Россия не согласуют свою позицию по противоракетному щиту. Будет ли еще один виток гонки вооружений, если Соединенные Штаты не ратифицируют этот договор?

В.В. Путин: Нет, ведь выступая сегодня перед Федеральным Собранием, Президент Медведев сказал только, что мы сделали предложение о том, как мы все вместе, работая над общей проблемой безопасности, могли бы разделить между собой ответственность и эту проблему безусловно решить в результате совместной работы. Но если на наши предложения будут даны только отрицательные ответы и, более того, возле наших границ появится дополнительная угроза в виде нового варианта третьего позиционного района, то Россия просто обязана будет обеспечивать свою безопасность разными способами: устанавливать новые ударные комплексы против новых угроз, которые будут создаваться возле наших границ, создавать новые средства ракетно-ядерной техники. Это не наш выбор, мы этого не хотим. И это никакая не угроза, мы просто говорим о том, что нас всех ожидает, если мы не сможем договориться о совместной работе. Вот и все. Повторяю, нам бы этого очень не хотелось.

Л. Кинг: Вы говорите, что это не угроза. Но звучит это как будто бы угроза. «Уолл-стрит джорнэл» полагает, что вы выдвигаете тактические боеголовки к территории союзников НАТО, как недавно весной. Это правда?

В.В. Путин: Ларри, послушайте меня. Я хочу, чтобы Вы знали и знал весь американский народ. Во всяком случае, та его часть, которая будет слушать нашу программу. Ведь не мы выдвигаем ракеты к вашей территории, а вы планируете поставить ракеты возле нашей территории, возле наших границ. Нам говорят, что мы это сделаем, то есть вы это делаете для того, чтобы обезопасить себя, допустим, от иранской ядерной угрозы. Но такой угрозы пока не существует. А если системы радаров и антиракет будут размещены возле нашей границы, даже в 2015 году, они будут работать против нашего ядерного потенциала. И это нас, конечно, беспокоит. И мы обязаны будем какие-то ответные меры предпринимать. Речь идет об ответных мерах, а не о первых шагах.

И в Лиссабоне Президент Медведев сделал конкретные предложения, которые заключаются в том, чтобы часть ответственности за обеспечение безопасности в Европе взяло на себя НАТО, а часть ответственности - общей ответственности - взяла бы на себя Россия. Причем, мы могли бы договориться с НАТО, а значит, читай с Соединенными Штатами, об обмене информацией, об общем управлении этими системами. Военные специалисты обо всем могут договориться, если на то будет добрая воля. Но если нам тупо будут говорить: «Мы не хотим считаться с вашими интересами, мы будем делать то, что мы хотим», - а мы будем рассматривать это как угрозу для себя, мы будем вынуждены как-то реагировать на это. Я хочу, чтобы американская общественность услышала об этом.

Л. Кинг: Какова Ваша оценка деятельности Президента Обамы?

В.В. Путин: Эту оценку должны дать избиратели, должны дать те люди, которые за него голосовали, вообще американские граждане.

Но если со стороны дать экспертную оценку, то в целом должен сказать, что, конечно, Президент Обама столкнулся с очень серьезными вызовами, как сейчас модно говорить, особенно в экономике и социальной сфере. Не мне судить о том, правильно или неправильно он сделал, когда провел в парламенте закон о здравоохранении, но я не сомневаюсь в том, что и в этом случае - очень чувствительном для американцев случае - Обама делал все для того, чтобы ответить на те чаяния американского народа, которые были подняты им и сформулированы в качестве предвыборной платформы. Он обещал это - и сделал.

Что касается международной деятельности, то мы благодарны ему за то, что он смягчил риторику в российско-американских отношениях, а в практическом плане отодвинул реализацию планов создания третьего позиционного района противоракетной обороны в Европе. Это создало для нас возможности для диалога, мы выиграли определенное время для того чтобы попробовать реализовать тот самый план, который был предложен Президентом Медведевым в Лиссабоне.

Л. Кинг: 10 российских агентов были арестованы ранее в этом году в США, затем отправлены обратно в Россию. Вы с ними встретились после депортации. Каковы Ваши впечатления от встречи с ними? Что же они Вам рассказали?

В.В. Путин: Вы знаете, мы, условно говоря, по «производственным» проблемам с ними-то немного и беседовали, но, разумеется, разговор был очень разносторонний.

Что я могу сказать - это люди, которые, безусловно, заслуживают уважения. Я уже говорил и могу еще раз повторить: своей деятельностью они действительно не нанесли какого-либо ущерба интересам Соединенных Штатов. Как вы знаете, они принадлежат к особой службе - это служба нелегальной разведки, у нее свои задачи, и эти задачи, как правило, становятся актуальными в кризисные периоды, допустим, в период разрыва дипломатических отношений.

Слава Богу, такого состояния дел между Россией и Соединенными Штатами сегодня нет и, надеюсь, никогда не будет.

Л. Кинг: То есть они не шпионили по Вашим указаниям?

В.В. Путин: У них свои задачи. Еще раз хочу повторить, это нелегальная разведка, основное предназначение которой активно работать в период кризисов и разрыва дипломатических отношений, когда другие средства разведки неэффективны или просто невозможны. Так что эти люди, еще раз хочу повторить, не нанесли какого-либо ущерба интересам Соединенных Штатов. Но то, что любая страна, в том числе Соединенные Штаты, разведывательную деятельность ведут - я думаю, ни у кого сомнений нет.

И, кстати говоря, методы наших спецслужб все-таки выгодно отличаются от методов, которые применяются спецслужбами Соединенных Штатов. Слава Богу, ни эти люди, ни другие сотрудники нашей разведки и других специальных служб не замечены в организации тайных тюрем, в похищении людей и применении к ним пыток.

Л. Кинг: Вы поддерживаете связь с господином Горбачевым?

В.В. Путин: Очень редко, но я с ним встречаюсь. Он иногда звонит мне по телефону. Мы в контакте.

Л. Кинг: Господин Премьер-министр, в отношении общей ситуации в мире в целом Вы оптимистично или пессимистично настроены?

В.В. Путин: Проблем стало больше, чем их было до сегодняшнего дня. Но я все-таки оптимист, и я считаю, что мы сможем договориться даже по самым острым и неразрешимым, как нам кажется сегодня, вопросам. И, объединяя эти усилия, мы обеспечим поступательное развитие наших стран, сможем решить главные проблемы, связанные с безопасностью и развитием.

Л. Кинг: Господин Премьер-министр, я благодарю Вас от всей души. Я надеюсь, что я вскоре увижу Вас на российской земле.

В.В. Путин: Ларри! Я Вас приглашаю, жду Вас в Москве. Вы не были ни разу в Москве. Я просто убежден, что Вам понравится.

Л. Кинг: Еще раз я благодарю Вас, Владимир Путин, Премьер-министр России. Благодарю Вас.

В.В. Путин: А можно Вам задать один вопрос? Не знаю, зачем, но король уходит. В американских средствах массовой информации очень много талантливых, интересных людей. Но все-таки король один. Я не спрашиваю, зачем он уходит. Но все-таки, как Вы думаете, когда мы сможем воскликнуть «Да здравствует король!»? Когда будет еще человек, который так же популярен в мире, как Вы?

Л. Кинг: Благодарю Вас. У меня нет ответа на этот вопрос.

В.В. Путин: Спасибо Вам большое.

Л. Кинг: Я встречусь с Вами в следующем году.

В.В. Путин: До свидания.

(02.12.2010).

Текст выступления Дмитрия Медведева и Владимира Путина на церемонии инаугурации президента России

Дмитрий Медведев: Уважаемые граждане России! Дорогие друзья!

Вступление избранного Президента в должность - это всегда начало нового этапа в жизни России, в её истории. Президент является главой государства, гарантом Конституции, прав и свобод человека и гражданина, определяет основные направления внутренней и внешней политики.

Последовательность государственного курса - это необходимое условие для движения России вперёд. Очень важно, чтобы масштабные преобразования, которые мы проводили в предыдущие годы в экономической, социальной и политической сферах, получили дальнейшее развитие. Только так мы построим сильное демократическое государство, где торжествует закон и социальная справедливость, где обеспечена безопасность, где созданы все возможности для самореализации человека, его предпринимательских, гражданских и творческих инициатив.

Именно эти задачи были приоритетными для меня на посту Президента. Я работал, как и обещал, принимая присягу: открыто и честно, в интересах людей, делая всё для того, чтобы они были свободны и уверенно смотрели в будущее.

Нам многое удалось - даже в непростой период глобального кризиса. Мы полностью выполнили наши социальные обязательства, более того - занялись модернизацией экономики. Конечно, не всё получилось, не всё задуманное удалось реализовать до конца, но эта работа должна быть продолжена. Я в этом абсолютно уверен.

Нам вместе пришлось пройти серьёзные испытания: безопасность России испытывали, как и раньше, на прочность. Нам пришлось дать отпор агрессору. И мы продолжили борьбу с терроризмом, который остаётся угрозой для нашей страны.

Считаю одним из важных достижений, очевидных достижений, широкое участие граждан в политической жизни. Принципиально важно, что и сама власть стала более открытой для диалога и для сотрудничества. Государство ведь не может эффективно работать без обратной связи с людьми, без учёта тех инициатив, которые рождаются в обществе. В своей работе я руководствовался этим. Ведь всех нас объединяет стремление к общему благу, к свободе, к прогрессу. И конечно, нас объединяет любовь к детям и к нашей стране - России.

Завершая работу на посту главы государства, хочу поблагодарить всех, кто поддерживал меня все эти годы. Благодарю вас за то огромное доверие, которое вы оказали мне, за вашу помощь, за ваше сопереживание. За то, что мы были вместе.

Хочу также поблагодарить всех граждан России. Спасибо вам! Нам ещё очень многое предстоит сделать.

Возглавлять Российское государство, работать для нашего народа - это великая ответственность и великая честь. И я рад, что сегодня Президентом станет Владимир Владимирович Путин - опытный человек и сильный руководитель, которого поддерживает большинство граждан нашей страны.

Желаю Владимиру Владимировичу Путину успехов в должности Президента России, в его работе для нашей страны, для наших людей!

Владимир Путин: Уважаемые граждане России! Дорогие друзья!

Вступая в должность Президента Российской Федерации, понимаю всю свою ответственность перед Родиной. Её интересы, безопасность, благополучие граждан страны всегда были и всегда останутся для меня превыше всего. Сделаю всё, чтобы оправдать доверие миллионов наших граждан. Считаю смыслом всей своей жизни и своим долгом служение Отечеству, служение нашему народу, поддержка которого вдохновляет и помогает решать самые сложные и трудные задачи.

Мы вместе прошли большой и сложный путь, поверили в себя, в свои силы, укрепили страну, вернули себе достоинство великой нации, мир увидел возрождённую Россию, и это результат усилий нашего народа, общей напряжённой работы, в которой есть личный вклад каждого. Сегодня у нас есть всё для движения вперёд, для созидания: дееспособное и развивающееся государство, прочная экономическая и социальная база, активное и ответственное гражданское общество. Я вижу в этом большую заслугу Дмитрия Анатольевича Медведева. Его президентство обеспечило преемственность и устойчивость развития страны, придало дополнительный импульс модернизации всех сторон нашей жизни. Впереди у него сложные и очень ответственные задачи. Я желаю ему успехов.

Сегодня мы вступаем в новый этап национального развития, нам потребуется решать задачи принципиально иного уровня, иного качества и масштаба. Ближайшие годы будут определяющими для судьбы России на десятилетия вперёд. И мы все должны понимать, что жизнь будущих поколений, историческая перспектива государства и нашей нации зависят сегодня именно от нас, от реальных успехов в создании новой экономики и современных стандартов жизни, от наших усилий по сбережению народа и поддержке российских семей, от нашей настойчивости в обустройстве огромных российских пространств от Балтики до Тихого океана, от нашей способности стать лидерами и центром притяжения всей Евразии.

Мы добьёмся наших целей, если будем единым, сплочённым народом, если будем дорожить нашим Отечеством, укреплять российскую демократию, конституционные права и свободы, расширять участие граждан в управлении страной, в формировании национальной повестки дня, чтобы стремление каждого к лучшей жизни было воплощено в совместной работе для процветания всей страны. Мы обязательно добьёмся успеха, если будем опираться на прочный фундамент культурных и духовных традиций нашего многонационального народа, на нашу тысячелетнюю историю, на те ценности, которые всегда составляли нравственную основу нашей жизни, если каждый из нас будет жить по совести, с верой и любовью к Родине, к своим близким, заботиться о счастье своих детей и благополучии своих родителей. Мы хотим и будем жить в демократической стране, где у каждого есть свобода и простор для приложения таланта и труда, своих сил. Мы хотим и будем жить в успешной России, которую уважают в мире как надёжного, открытого, честного и предсказуемого партнёра. Я верю в силу наших общих целей и идеалов, в силу нашей решимости преобразить страну, в силу объединённых действий граждан, в наше общее стремление к свободе, к правде, к справедливости. Мы готовы к грядущим испытаниям и грядущим свершениям. У России великая история и не менее великое будущее. И мы будем работать с верой в душе, с искренними и чистыми помыслами.

Спасибо!

(07.05.2012)

ПРИЛОЖЕНИЕ Г

Интервью Барака и Мишель Обамы телеканалу Эй-Би-Си

- What's the trait you most deplore in yourself, and the trait you most deplore in others?

PRESIDENT OBAMA: Laziness. Nothing frustrates me more than when people aren't doing their jobs. The thing actually that I most dislike is cruelty. I can't stand cruel people. And if I see people doing something mean to somebody else, just to make themselves feel important it really gets me mad. But, with myself, since I tend not to be a mean person, you know, if I get lazy, then I get mad at myself.

MICHELLE OBAMA: When people are unwilling to compromise. I just think that particularly in a society with big views, big differences, that, you know, the truth is often somewhere right in the middle. And, a lot of times, we don't want to give up anything. And I don't like it when I see that in myself.

- On what occasion do you lie?

PRESIDENT OBAMA: Usually, the only time I lie is very personal interactions with family members, who you say, «You look great,» and they don't. «Wonderful dress...» Uh, not so much.

MICHELLE OBAMA: Things where the truth would hurt other people.

PRESIDENT OBAMA: Right, the things where truth would hurt other people. Not too many big things. I said during the campaign that I'll always tell you what I think, and I will, always tell you where I stand. I'm not perfect, but you'll know what I believe.

MICHELLE OBAMA: I think the same thing. When it would hurt somebody else's feelings.When the truth isn't helpful.

- What do you think is the most overrated virtue?

PRESIDENT OBAMA: Security. People naturally resist change in our personal lives. ... Malia, actually, was the one who brought it up because she says, 'You know, one of the things that happens is sometimes transitions are hard, and I really enjoy my life, and I like how things are going.' And I said, 'Get in the habit of being able to embrace change, and what's new. Because you don't want to live your life where, you are held back because you've gotten too comfortable, and you are afraid of what might be out there around the corner.'

MICHELLE OBAMA: I take his [answer]. I agree with him.

- What's the biggest misconception about you?

PRESIDENT OBAMA: Me being detached, or Spock-like, or very analytical. People who know me know that I am a softie. I mean, stuff can choke me up very easily. The challenge for me is that in this job I think a lot of times the press or how you come off on TV people want you to be very demonstrative in your emotions. And if you're not sort of showing it in a very theatrical way, then somehow it doesn't translate over the screen.

MICHELLE OBAMA: Someone said that there's a perception out there that I feel confined or trapped in some way. To the extent that people have that perception, that couldn't be further from the truth. I feel very blessed in this role.

- What three words would you each use to describe the other?

PRESIDENT OBAMA: Beautiful, smart and funny.

MICHELLE OBAMA: Smart, sportsman, and father.

- Which historical figure do you most admire?

PRESIDENT OBAMA: [Abraham] Lincoln and [Mohandas] Gandhi are the two people, when I think about what they achieved, two very different men. … What I admire most about them is under huge pressure, monumental changes that they brought about but they never lost their moral bearings.

MICHELLE OBAMA: The first person that comes to mind is Coretta Scott King, because I think she's somebody that I actually had a chance to meet as well, so she's more real to me. Understanding the pressures, and the pain, and the ambiguity of the life she must have lived. And coming out on the other end of that, still hopeful and positive, and pushing for more for herself, for her family, for this nation. It's impressive.

- What is your biggest peeve about each other?

PRESIDENT OBAMA: Oh, I don't have one.

MICHELLE OBAMA: My list is too long.

- What is your idea of perfect happiness?

PRESIDENT OBAMA: When I feel as if the people closest to me are happy and healthy and I'm connected with them, and when I feel as if I'm doing things that are making other people better and happy, then I feel real good. That's when I'm at my peak.

MICHELLE OBAMA: Happiness is family - the health of family - just to keep it short. I could go on and on and on, but when my family's good, I'm good.

If you could change one thing about yourself, what would it be?

MICHELLE OBAMA: I'd be more patient. I think I've gotten more patient over the years. I'm constantly working on just being patient with myself and not letting my expectations get ahead of what's happening now.

PRESIDENT OBAMA: I deeply regret not having learned a musical instrument. And I regret not having focused more on Spanish when I was studying it in school. I would love to be able to speak Spanish fluently and play an instrument.

- If you were to die and come back as a person as a thing, what would you want it to be?

MICHELLE OBAMA: I would want to be Bo. He's got a great life. He's got it good. Not a dog. But Bo.

PRESIDENT OBAMA: You know, Barbara, I'm going to take a pass on this one.

(22.12.2011)

Речь Дж. Буша об окончании военной операции в Ираке

Be seated, please. Thank you. Thank you all very much.

Admiral Kelly, Captain Card, officers and sailors of the USS Abraham Lincoln, my fellow Americans: Major combat operations in Iraq have ended. In the battle of Iraq, the United States and our allies have prevailed. And now our coalition is engaged in securing and reconstructing that country.

In this battle, we have fought for the cause of liberty, and for the peace of the world. Our nation and our coalition are proud of this accomplishment - yet, it is you, the members of the United States military, who achieved it. Your courage, your willingness to face danger for your country and for each other, made this day possible. Because of you, our nation is more secure. Because of you, the tyrant has fallen, and Iraq is free.

Operation Iraqi Freedom was carried out with a combination of precision and speed and boldness the enemy did not expect, and the world had not seen before. From distant bases or ships at sea, we sent planes and missiles that could destroy an enemy division, or strike a single bunker. Marines and soldiers charged to Baghdad across 350 miles of hostile ground, in one of the swiftest advances of heavy arms in history. You have shown the world the skill and the might of the American Armed Forces.

This nation thanks all the members of our coalition who joined in a noble cause. We thank the Armed Forces of the United Kingdom, Australia, and Poland, who shared in the hardships of war. We thank all the citizens of Iraq who welcomed our troops and joined in the liberation of their own country. And tonight, I have a special word for Secretary Rumsfeld, for General Franks, and for all the men and women who wear the uniform of the United States: America is grateful for a job well done.

The character of our military through history - the daring of Normandy, the fierce courage of Iwo Jima, the decency and idealism that turned enemies into allies - is fully present in this generation. When Iraqi civilians looked into the faces of our servicemen and women, they saw strength and kindness and goodwill. When I look at the members of the United States military, I see the best of our country, and I'm honored to be your Commander-in-Chief.

In the images of falling statues, we have witnessed the arrival of a new era. For a hundred of years of war, culminating in the nuclear age, military technology was designed and deployed to inflict casualties on an ever-growing scale. In defeating Nazi Germany and Imperial Japan, Allied forces destroyed entire cities, while enemy leaders who started the conflict were safe until the final days. Military power was used to end a regime by breaking a nation.

Today, we have the greater power to free a nation by breaking a dangerous and aggressive regime. With new tactics and precision weapons, we can achieve military objectives without directing violence against civilians. No device of man can remove the tragedy from war; yet it is a great moral advance when the guilty have far more to fear from war than the innocent.

In the images of celebrating Iraqis, we have also seen the ageless appeal of human freedom. Decades of lies and intimidation could not make the Iraqi people love their oppressors or desire their own enslavement. Men and women in every culture need liberty like they need food and water and air. Everywhere that freedom arrives, humanity rejoices; and everywhere that freedom stirs, let tyrants fear.

We have difficult work to do in Iraq. We're bringing order to parts of that country that remain dangerous. We're pursuing and finding leaders of the old regime, who will be held to account for their crimes. We've begun the search for hidden chemical and biological weapons and already know of hundreds of sites that will be investigated. We're helping to rebuild Iraq, where the dictator built palaces for himself, instead of hospitals and schools. And we will stand with the new leaders of Iraq as they establish a government of, by, and for the Iraqi people.

The transition from dictatorship to democracy will take time, but it is worth every effort. Our coalition will stay until our work is done. Then we will leave, and we will leave behind a free Iraq.

The battle of Iraq is one victory in a war on terror that began on September the 11, 2001 - and still goes on. That terrible morning, 19 evil men - the shock troops of a hateful ideology - gave America and the civilized world a glimpse of their ambitions. They imagined, in the words of one terrorist, that September the 11th would be the «beginning of the end of America.» By seeking to turn our cities into killing fields, terrorists and their allies believed that they could destroy this nation's resolve, and force our retreat from the world. They have failed.

In the battle of Afghanistan, we destroyed the Taliban, many terrorists, and the camps where they trained. We continue to help the Afghan people lay roads, restore hospitals, and educate all of their children. Yet we also have dangerous work to complete. As I speak, a Special Operations task force, led by the 82nd Airborne, is on the trail of the terrorists and those who seek to undermine the free government of Afghanistan. America and our coalition will finish what we have begun.

From Pakistan to the Philippines to the Horn of Africa, we are hunting down al Qaeda killers. Nineteen months ago, I pledged that the terrorists would not escape the patient justice of the United States. And as of tonight, nearly one-half of al Qaeda's senior operatives have been captured or killed.

The liberation of Iraq is a crucial advance in the campaign against terror. We've removed an ally of al Qaeda, and cut off a source of terrorist funding. And this much is certain: No terrorist network will gain weapons of mass destruction from the Iraqi regime, because the regime is no more.

In these 19 months that changed the world, our actions have been focused and deliberate and proportionate to the offense. We have not forgotten the victims of September the 11th - the last phone calls, the cold murder of children, the searches in the rubble. With those attacks, the terrorists and their supporters declared war on the United States. And war is what they got.

Our war against terror is proceeding according to principles that I have made clear to all: Any person involved in committing or planning terrorist attacks against the American people becomes an enemy of this country, and a target of American justice. Any person, organization, or government that supports, protects, or harbors terrorists is complicit in the murder of the innocent, and equally guilty of terrorist crimes. Any outlaw regime that has ties to terrorist groups and seeks or possesses weapons of mass destruction is a grave danger to the civilized world - and will be confronted. And anyone in the world, including the Arab world, who works and sacrifices for freedom has a loyal friend in the United States of America.

Our commitment to liberty is America's tradition - declared at our founding; affirmed in Franklin Roosevelt's Four Freedoms; asserted in the Truman Doctrine and in Ronald Reagan's challenge to an evil empire. We are committed to freedom in Afghanistan, in Iraq, and in a peaceful Palestine. The advance of freedom is the surest strategy to undermine the appeal of terror in the world. Where freedom takes hold, hatred gives way to hope. When freedom takes hold, men and women turn to the peaceful pursuit of a better life. American values and American interests lead in the same direction: We stand for human liberty.

The United States upholds these principles of security and freedom in many ways - with all the tools of diplomacy, law enforcement, intelligence, and finance. We're working with a broad coalition of nations that understand the threat and our shared responsibility to meet it. The use of force has been - and remains - our last resort. Yet all can know, friend and foe alike, that our nation has a mission: We will answer threats to our security, and we will defend the peace.

Our mission continues. Al Qaeda is wounded, not destroyed. The scattered cells of the terrorist network still operate in many nations, and we know from daily intelligence that they continue to plot against free people. The proliferation of deadly weapons remains a serious danger. The enemies of freedom are not idle, and neither are we. Our government has taken unprecedented measures to defend the homeland. And we will continue to hunt down the enemy before he can strike.

The war on terror is not over; yet it is not endless. We do not know the day of final victory, but we have seen the turning of the tide. No act of the terrorists will change our purpose, or weaken our resolve, or alter their fate. Their cause is lost. Free nations will press on to victory.

Other nations in history have fought in foreign lands and remained to occupy and exploit. Americans, following a battle, want nothing more than to return home. And that is your direction tonight. After service in the Afghan - and Iraqi theaters of war - after 100,000 miles, on the longest carrier deployment in recent history, you are homeward bound. Some of you will see new family members for the first time - 150 babies were born while their fathers were on the Lincoln. Your families are proud of you, and your nation will welcome you.

We are mindful, as well, that some good men and women are not making the journey home. One of those who fell, Corporal Jason Mileo, spoke to his parents five days before his death. Jason's father said, «He called us from the center of Baghdad, not to brag, but to tell us he loved us. Our son was a soldier.»

Every name, every life is a loss to our military, to our nation, and to the loved ones who grieve. There's no homecoming for these families. Yet we pray, in God's time, their reunion will come.

Those we lost were last seen on duty. Their final act on this Earth was to fight a great evil and bring liberty to others. All of you - all in this generation of our military - have taken up the highest calling of history. You're defending your country, and protecting the innocent from harm. And wherever you go, you carry a message of hope - a message that is ancient and ever new. In the words of the prophet Isaiah, «To the captives, 'come out,' - and to those in darkness, 'be free.'»

Thank you for serving our country and our cause. May God bless you all, and may God continue to bless America.

(01.05.2003)

Речь Барака Обама во время инаугурации в 2009 году

My fellow citizens:

I stand here today humbled by the task before us, grateful for the trust you have bestowed, mindful of the sacrifices borne by our ancestors. I thank President Bush for his service to our nation, as well as the generosity and cooperation he has shown throughout this transition.

Forty-four Americans have now taken the presidential oath. The words have been spoken during rising tides of prosperity and the still waters of peace. Yet, every so often the oath is taken amidst gathering clouds and raging storms. At these moments, America has carried on not simply because of the skill or vision of those in high office, but because We the People have remained faithful to the ideals of our forbearers, and true to our founding documents.

So it has been. So it must be with this generation of Americans. That we are in the midst of crisis is now well understood. Our nation is at war, against a far-reaching network of violence and hatred. Our economy is badly weakened, a consequence of greed and irresponsibility on the part of some, but also our collective failure to make hard choices and prepare the nation for a new age. Homes have been lost; jobs shed; businesses shuttered. Our health care is too costly; our schools fail too many; and each day brings further evidence that the ways we use energy strengthen our adversaries and threaten our planet.

These are the indicators of crisis, subject to data and statistics. Less measurable but no less profound is a sapping of confidence across our land - a nagging fear that America's decline is inevitable, and that the next generation must lower its sights.

Today I say to you that the challenges we face are real. They are serious and they are many. They will not be met easily or in a short span of time. But know this, America - they will be met.

On this day, we gather because we have chosen hope over fear, unity of purpose over conflict and discord.

On this day, we come to proclaim an end to the petty grievances and false promises, the recriminations and worn out dogmas, that for far too long have strangled our politics.

We remain a young nation, but in the words of Scripture, the time has come to set aside childish things. The time has come to reaffirm our enduring spirit; to choose our better history; to carry forward that precious gift, that noble idea, passed on from generation to generation: the God-given promise that all are equal, all are free, and all deserve a chance to pursue their full measure of happiness.

In reaffirming the greatness of our nation, we understand that greatness is never a given. It must be earned. Our journey has never been one of short-cuts or settling for less. It has not been the path for the faint-hearted - for those who prefer leisure over work, or seek only the pleasures of riches and fame. Rather, it has been the risk-takers, the doers, the makers of things - some celebrated but more often men and women obscure in their labor, who have carried us up the long, rugged path towards prosperity and freedom.

For us, they packed up their few worldly possessions and traveled across oceans in search of a new life.

For us, they toiled in sweatshops and settled the West; endured the lash of the whip and plowed the hard earth.

For us, they fought and died, in places like Concord and Gettysburg; Normandy and KheSahn.

Time and again these men and women struggled and sacrificed and worked till their hands were raw so that we might live a better life. They saw America as bigger than the sum of our individual ambitions; greater than all the differences of birth or wealth or faction.

This is the journey we continue today. We remain the most prosperous, powerful nation on Earth. Our workers are no less productive than when this crisis began. Our minds are no less inventive, our goods and services no less needed than they were last week or last month or last year. Our capacity remains undiminished. But our time of standing pat, of protecting narrow interests and putting off unpleasant decisions - that time has surely passed. Starting today, we must pick ourselves up, dust ourselves off, and begin again the work of remaking America.

For everywhere we look, there is work to be done. The state of the economy calls for action, bold and swift, and we will act - not only to create new jobs, but to lay a new foundation for growth. We will build the roads and bridges, the electric grids and digital lines that feed our commerce and bind us together. We will restore science to its rightful place, and wield technology's wonders to raise health care's quality and lower its cost. We will harness the sun and the winds and the soil to fuel our cars and run our factories. And we will transform our schools and colleges and universities to meet the demands of a new age. All this we can do. And all this we will do.

Now, there are some who question the scale of our ambitions - who suggest that our system cannot tolerate too many big plans. Their memories are short. For they have forgotten what this country has already done; what free men and women can achieve when imagination is joined to common purpose, and necessity to courage.

What the cynics fail to understand is that the ground has shifted beneath them - that the stale political arguments that have consumed us for so long no longer apply. The question we ask today is not whether our government is too big or too small, but whether it works - whether it helps families find jobs at a decent wage, care they can afford, a retirement that is dignified. Where the answer is yes, we intend to move forward. Where the answer is no, programs will end. And those of us who manage the public's dollars will be held to account - to spend wisely, reform bad habits, and do our business in the light of day - because only then can we restore the vital trust between a people and their government.

As for our common defense, we reject as false the choice between our safety and our ideals. Our Founding Fathers, faced with perils we can scarcely imagine, drafted a charter to assure the rule of law and the rights of man, a charter expanded by the blood of generations. Those ideals still light the world, and we will not give them up for expedience's sake. And so to all other peoples and governments who are watching today, from the grandest capitals to the small village where my father was born: know that America is a friend of each nation and every man, woman, and child who seeks a future of peace and dignity, and we are ready to lead once more.

Recall that earlier generations faced down fascism and communism not just with missiles and tanks, but with the sturdy alliances and enduring convictions. They understood that our power alone cannot protect us, nor does it entitle us to do as we please. Instead, they knew that our power grows through its prudent use; our security emanates from the justness of our cause, the force of our example, the tempering qualities of humility and restraint.

We are the keepers of this legacy. Guided by these principles once more, we can meet those new threats that demand even greater effort - even greater cooperation and understanding between nations. We will begin to responsibly leave Iraq to its people, and forge a hard-earned peace in Afghanistan. With old friends and former foes, we'll work tirelessly to lessen the nuclear threat, and roll back the specter of a warming planet. We will not apologize for our way of life, nor will we waver in its defense, and for those who seek to advance their aims by inducing terror and slaughtering innocents, we say to you now that our spirit is stronger and cannot be broken; you cannot outlast us, and we will defeat you.

For we know that our patchwork heritage is a strength, not a weakness. We are a nation of Christians and Muslims, Jews and Hindus - and non-believers. We are shaped by every language and culture, drawn from every end of this Earth; and because we have tasted the bitter swill of civil war and segregation, and emerged from that dark chapter stronger and more united, we cannot help but believe that the old hatreds shall someday pass; that the lines of tribe shall soon dissolve; that as the world grows smaller, our common humanity shall reveal itself; and that America must play its role in ushering in a new era of peace.

To the Muslim world, we seek a new way forward, based on mutual interest and mutual respect. To those leaders around the globe who seek to sow conflict, or blame their society's ills on the West - know that your people will judge you on what you can build, not what you destroy. To those who cling to power through corruption and deceit and the silencing of dissent, know that you are on the wrong side of history; but that we will extend a hand if you are willing to unclench your fist.

To the people of poor nations, we pledge to work alongside you to make your farms flourish and let clean waters flow; to nourish starved bodies and feed hungry minds. And to those nations like ours that enjoy relative plenty, we say we can no longer afford indifference to the suffering outside our borders; nor can we consume the world's resources without regard to effect. For the world has changed, and we must change with it.

For as much as government can do and must do, it is ultimately the faith and determination of the American people upon which this nation relies. It is the kindness to take in a stranger when the levees break, the selflessness of workers who would rather cut their hours than see a friend lose their job which sees us through our darkest hours. It is the firefighter's courage to storm a stairway filled with smoke, but also a parent's willingness to nurture a child, that finally decides our fate.

This is the price and the promise of citizenship. This is the source of our confidence - the knowledge that God calls on us to shape an uncertain destiny.

This is the meaning of our liberty and our creed - why men and women and children of every race and every faith can join in celebration across this magnificent mall, and why a man whose father less than sixty years ago might not have been served at a local restaurant can now stand before you to take a most sacred oath.

So let us mark this day with remembrance, of who we are and how far we have traveled. In the year of America's birth, in the coldest of months, a small band of patriots huddled by dying campfires on the shores of an icy river. The capital was abandoned. The enemy was advancing. The snow was stained with blood. At a moment when the outcome of our revolution was most in doubt, the father of our nation ordered these words be read to the people:

«Let it be told to the future world...that in the depth of winter, when nothing but hope and virtue could survive...that the city and the country, alarmed at one common danger, came forth to meet [it].»

America. In the face of our common dangers, in this winter of our hardship, let us remember these timeless words. With hope and virtue, let us brave once more the icy currents, and endure what storms may come. Let it be said by our children's children that when we were tested we refused to let this journey end, that we did not turn back nor did we falter; and with eyes fixed on the horizon and God's grace upon us, we carried forth that great gift of freedom and delivered it safely to future generations.

Thank you. God bless you and God bless the United States of America.

Предвыборная речь Барака Обамы в 2008 году

Tonight, after fifty-four hard-fought contests, our primary season has finally come to an end.

Sixteen months have passed since we first stood together on the steps of the Old State Capitol in Springfield, Illinois. Thousands of miles have been traveled. Millions of voices have been heard. And because of what you said - because you decided that change must come to Washington; because you believed that this year must be different than all the rest; because you chose to listen not to your doubts or your fears but to your greatest hopes and highest aspirations, tonight we mark the end of one historic journey with the beginning of another - a journey that will bring a new and better day to America. Tonight, I can stand before you and say that I will be the Democratic nominee for President of the United States.

I want to thank every American who stood with us over the course of this campaign - through the good days and the bad; from the snows of Cedar Rapids to the sunshine of Sioux Falls. And tonight I also want to thank the men and woman who took this journey with me as fellow candidates for President.

At this defining moment for our nation, we should be proud that our party put forth one of the most talented, qualified field of individuals ever to run for this office. I have not just competed with them as rivals, I have learned from them as friends, as public servants, and as patriots who love America and are willing to work tirelessly to make this country better. They are leaders of this party, and leaders that America will turn to for years to come.

That is particularly true for the candidate who has traveled further on this journey than anyone else. Senator Hillary Clinton has made history in this campaign not just because she's a woman who has done what no woman has done before, but because she's a leader who inspires millions of Americans with her strength, her courage, and her commitment to the causes that brought us here tonight.

We've certainly had our differences over the last sixteen months. But as someone who's shared a stage with her many times, I can tell you that what gets Hillary Clinton up in the morning - even in the face of tough odds - is exactly what sent her and Bill Clinton to sign up for their first campaign in Texas all those years ago; what sent her to work at the Children's Defense Fund and made her fight for health care as First Lady; what led her to the United States Senate and fueled her barrier-breaking campaign for the presidency - an unyielding desire to improve the lives of ordinary Americans, no matter how difficult the fight may be. And you can rest assured that when we finally win the battle for universal health care in this country, she will be central to that victory. When we transform our energy policy and lift our children out of poverty, it will be because she worked to help make it happen. Our party and our country are better off because of her, and I am a better candidate for having had the honor to compete with Hillary Rodham Clinton.

There are those who say that this primary has somehow left us weaker and more divided. Well I say that because of this primary, there are millions of Americans who have cast their ballot for the very first time. There are Independents and Republicans who understand that this election isn't just about the party in charge of Washington, it's about the need to change Washington. There are young people, and African-Americans, and Latinos, and women of all ages who have voted in numbers that have broken records and inspired a nation.

All of you chose to support a candidate you believe in deeply. But at the end of the day, we aren't the reason you came out and waited in lines that stretched block after block to make your voice heard. You didn't do that because of me or Senator Clinton or anyone else. You did it because you know in your hearts that at this moment - a moment that will define a generation - we cannot afford to keep doing what we've been doing. We owe our children a better future. We owe our country a better future. And for all those who dream of that future tonight, I say - let us begin the work together. Let us unite in common effort to chart a new course for America.

In just a few short months, the Republican Party will arrive in St. Paul with a very different agenda. They will come here to nominate John McCain, a man who has served this country heroically. I honor that service, and I respect his many accomplishments, even if he chooses to deny mine. My differences with him are not personal; they are with the policies he has proposed in this campaign.

Because while John McCain can legitimately tout moments of independence from his party in the past, such independence has not been the hallmark of his presidential campaign.

It's not change when John McCain decided to stand with George Bush ninety-five percent of the time, as he did in the Senate last year.

It's not change when he offers four more years of Bush economic policies that have failed to create well-paying jobs, or insure our workers, or help Americans afford the skyrocketing cost of college - policies that have lowered the real incomes of the average American family, widened the gap between Wall Street and Main Street, and left our children with a mountain of debt.

And it's not change when he promises to continue a policy in Iraq that asks everything of our brave men and women in uniform and nothing of Iraqi politicians - a policy where all we look for are reasons to stay in Iraq, while we spend billions of dollars a month on a war that isn't making the American people any safer.

So I'll say this - there are many words to describe John McCain's attempt to pass off his embrace of George Bush's policies as bipartisan and new. But change is not one of them.

Change is a foreign policy that doesn't begin and end with a war that should've never been authorized and never been waged. I won't stand here and pretend that there are many good options left in Iraq, but what's not an option is leaving our troops in that country for the next hundred years - especially at a time when our military is overstretched, our nation is isolated, and nearly every other threat to America is being ignored.

We must be as careful getting out of Iraq as we were careless getting in - but start leaving we must. It's time for Iraqis to take responsibility for their future. It's time to rebuild our military and give our veterans the care they need and the benefits they deserve when they come home. It's time to refocus our efforts on al Qaeda's leadership and Afghanistan, and rally the world against the common threats of the 21st century - terrorism and nuclear weapons; climate change and poverty; genocide and disease. That's what change is.

Change is realizing that meeting today's threats requires not just our firepower, but the power of our diplomacy - tough, direct diplomacy where the President of the United States isn't afraid to let any petty dictator know where America stands and what we stand for. We must once again have the courage and conviction to lead the free world. That is the legacy of Roosevelt, and Truman, and Kennedy. That's what the American people want. That's what change is.

Change is building an economy that rewards not just wealth, but the work and workers who created it. It's understanding that the struggles facing working families can't be solved by spending billions of dollars on more tax breaks for big corporations and wealthy CEOs, but by giving a the middle-class a tax break, and investing in our crumbling infrastructure, and transforming how we use energy, and improving our schools, and renewing our commitment to science and innovation. It's understanding that fiscal responsibility and shared prosperity can go hand-in-hand, as they did when Bill Clinton was President.