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At this point the match was quite scrappy and in danger of being upstaged by the almost tangible fervour of the fans, not to mention earlier events outside the stadium which would have displeased the watching Michel Platini, so it was not entirely out of character when Russia took the lead eight minutes before the interval with an undistinguished goal from a routine set?piece.

Yuri Zhirkov won a free?kick on the left, Arshavin sent over a cross and Alan Dzagoev nipped in front of Lukasz Piszczek to head past Przemyslaw Tyton. That instantly dampened the atmosphere and lowered any expectations of an upset. Poland and their home crowd had been let down by an error of basic defensive organisation, not by anything scintillating the Russians had managed to produce, and the pained expression of Franciszek Smuda, their coach, indicated as much.

Jakub Blaszczykowski did manage to bring a save from Malafeev before half?time, but Poland's attacking attempts had become sporadic, and as in the opening game against Greece they seemed to wilt after making a promising start.

For all that Poland opened the second half with an extremely promising attack, interpassing between Polankski and Lewandowski taking the latter right through the heart of the Russian defence. The Borussia Dortmund striker had a brief but clear sight of goal but needed to shoot first time. Instead he took a touch and ended up forced wide to where he could not beat Malafeev. At the other end, Roman Shirokov made it all the way to the byline and seemed certain to find someone in the middle for a tap-in, yet managed to put his cross behind all the forwards Russia had up in support.

Russia seemed even more likely to go further ahead when Arshavin charged up the left wing just before the hour mark, shrugging off a foul by Piszczek in his determination to advance into the penalty area, only to play a vague pass inside that was too easily cut out. That turned out to be pivotal, for Poland used the possession to turn defence into attack and equalise. Piszczek redeemed himself with a clever pass to allow Blaszczykowski to cut in from the right, and as soon as a route opened up to goal he let fly with a left foot curler from the edge of the penalty area that Malafeev could do nothing about.

Dzagoev and Kerzhakov combined neatly for the former to force a save from Tyton, then play went straight down to the other end and Malefeev had to make a stop from Polanski. With the score at 1-1 the game was anybody's and at last the crowd was seeing some entertaining football. Russia rotated their attacking options before the end to little avail, Poland sensibly stayed compact and kept men behind the ball. A draw was a fair result and, given the tensions of the evening, probably the best one.

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MY COLUMN this week is about UKIP, the British political party campaigning for withdrawal from the EU.

ANGRY insurgents rarely prosper in British politics. Two big things help explain this: voting rules and sniggering. Britain's first-past-the-post voting system is rather brutal to small parties. And if electoral rules do not snare a would-be demagogue then mocking laughter probably will. It is a brave politician who stands before British voters, face red and voice shaking with fury. There is always the risk that at some climactic moment a heckler will interrupt, posing a variant on the ancient British question: just who do you think you are?

How, then, to explain the rise of Nigel Farage, leader of the United Kingdom Independence Party (UKIP), an insurgent (and at times quite angry) outfit devoted to Britain's withdrawal from the European Union? Once a near-irrelevance, UKIP haunts the thoughts of politicians across Westminster. The explanation lies in Mr Farage's talent for turning both Britain's voting system and its traditions of pomposity-pricking mockery to his advantage.

UKIP does not need to win a single House of Commons seat at the next general election to have an outsized impact. The party just needs to threaten, credibly, to siphon off enough Conservative votes to deny David Cameron's party victory in a decisive number of seats: a disastrous fate in a first-past-the-post system. In happier times such a menace might unite Conservatives against UKIP. These are not happy times.

Battered by grim economic news and a string of government U-turns, the Conservatives are some ten points behind Labour in the polls. Almost two-thirds of Tory voters say that they would like to leave the EU. On the party's right, the fact that Mr Cameron wants to stay in the union (and argues that an EU referendum is needed only if Britain is asked to hand more powers to Europe) fuels suspicion that he is not a proper Conservative. His decision to go into coalition with the pro-European Liberal Democrats after the 2010 general election fits the same narrative (right-wingers think he should have chanced a second, snap election).

Though UKIP draws some support from the left and boasts a hard core of voters furious at all big parties, recent gains have come disproportionately from Tory ranks. UKIP's current policy platform is a land grab of terrain ceded by Tory modernisers. It includes a five-year freeze on permanent immigration, increased military spending, a return to selective grammar schools, calling global warming “not proven” and ending smoking bans in pubs.

Mr Farage has begun briefing that local Conservative associations have begged him to consider joint Tory-UKIP candidates at the next general election. Recent opinion polls put UKIP within a point or two of the Lib Dems in either direction (though polls traditionally understate Lib Dems' local strengths). UKIP's next goal is to increase its foothold in local councils, he says, building grassroots networks in conscious emulation of the Lib Dems.

Why good cheer can work

If Mr Farage is adept at maximising his clout within the British electoral system, he is--as importantly--good at the derisive bit of politics. He is skilled at supplying disillusioned voters with arguments to sustain their rage. Yet at the same time, his public persona is cheeky and cheerful: he sometimes seems to heckle himself.

At a recent public meeting outside Bristol, in south-west England, Mr Farage played the packed room (Tory-faithful types, ranging from pensioners in blazers to brawny small businessmen) like a virtuoso. Tiny model Spitfire fighters flashing at his shirt-cuffs, Mr Farage told the crowd what it wanted to hear. Britain is run by “college kids”. The dead of two world wars are being betrayed by Westminster politicians “impotent” to defend democracy. Britain has turned its back on its “kith and kin” in the Commonwealth. It is an “outrage” that eastern Europeans can come and claim benefits. “Charity begins at home,” shouted Mr Farage, and the 250-strong crowd roared.

Questions from the floor were darkly angry. Could Britain be trapped into bailing out the euro by some hidden EU mechanism? Was “political Zionism” behind the world's woes?

Mr. Farage turned the mood upbeat. He described how his post as a Eurosceptic group leader in the European Parliament had earned him a meeting with Germany's chancellor, Angela Merkel (cue chuckles). He had asked if it might be kinder to free Greece and other debtor nations from the euro-zone “prison”. He mimicked Mrs Merkel's solemn reply: that countries leaving the euro would end “the European dream”. The crowd cheered gleefully. He urged the questioner worried about Zionism to beware conspiracy theories: “We must, must, must be optimistic.”

Five counties to the east, such optimism is on display in Ramsey, a Cambridgeshire market town which is home to the only UKIP-controlled council in Britain. Ramsey's UKIP councillors take turns cleaning the public lavatories, clearing dog mess and patrolling local pubs at weekends. Pete Reeve, a UKIP councillor, spent the Diamond Jubilee celebrations dressed as the town's mascot, a furry ram. Yet Mr Reeve (interviewed in his ram suit while wartime melodies such as “We'll Meet Again” boomed from loudspeakers) also explained, earnestly, that Eurocrats were trying to build a European army and an electricity grid controlled in Brussels, so that in a few years Britain might not be able to leave the EU. Immigration is a big issue in Ramsey, he added, citing complaints about local factory jobs reserved for Polish-speakers.

In short, UKIP is trying something ambitious: upbeat protest politics for angry, anti-political voters. Will this achieve Mr Farage's short-term goal of supplanting the Lib Dems as Britain's third party? It may not matter. Mr Farage's real dream is to reshape Britain, by pulling the Conservatives to the right and bouncing Mr Cameron into a referendum on EU membership. If he pulls that off, his insurgency will be no laughing matter.

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